Archives: Briefs Reports

This brief reports on two maternity benefit schemes of the Government of India (GoI):

a) Pradhan Mantri Matru Vandana Yojana (PMMVY) provides partial wage compensation to improve health-seeking behaviour of pregnant women and lactating mothers for two live births; and
b) Janani Suraksha Yojana (JSY) incentivises institutional and safe delivery for reducing infant and maternal mortality.

Using government data, this brief reports on:
■ Trends in finances;
■ Coverage and payments; and
■ Outcomes

The National Programme of PM POSHAN, previously known as the National Scheme for Mid-Day Meals in schools (MDM), is a scheme to provide one hot cooked meal in government and government-aided schools, with an aim to improve the nutritional status of students.

This brief reports on trends for PM POSHAN performance along the following parameters:
■ Past trends in allocations, releases, and utilisation;
■ Coverage and provision of meals to students; and
■ Management Information System (MIS) and Automated Monitoring System (AMS).

In the 15 years that have gone by, India has seen a significant transition in the social sector, and lived through a pandemic. At the Accountability Initiative, Centre for Policy Research, we have tracked the provision of welfare services and entitlements since 2008, in-step with the country’s evolution over these years. The year 2023 marks a moment to pause and reflect for us as we celebrate our 15th anniversary, and the Centre for Policy Research reaches its milestone of 50 years.

But, aside from our legacy of evidence-based knowledge sharing, this reflection is important in one more way. In 2024, India will choose a new government. A lookback on welfare spending and outcomes is an essential first step to understanding future priorities and pathways to development.

Drawing from previous Union Budgets, this Special Brief will dive into six major aspects. Firstly, reviewing the sources of funding available with the government. Secondly, analysing trends in expenditures including social sector allocations for key ministries and schemes. Thirdly, the devolution of funds to states who are primary spenders on welfare services. Fourthly, unpacking social sector schemes over the years. Fifthly, analysing select outputs and outcomes over time. Lastly, we offer our own experience by providing a snapshot of the changes in government Management Information Systems which are critical to monitoring welfare schemes, among other aspects.

For the purpose of this Special Brief, we are covering the period from 2009-2023. Actual Government of India (GoI) expenditures have been used till Financial Year (FY) 2020-21. For FY 2021-22, figures are Revised Estimates (REs) and Budget Estimates (BEs) for FY 2022-23.

Despite the government’s efforts on augmenting the supply of houses, recent estimates suggest that the housing shortage in urban areas have widened. It is a result of the mismatch between the housing needs of the urban poor and the typology of housing supply. The present study analyses and assesses the housing needs of the urban poor using secondary data from 76th round of NSS (2018-19) on housing and living condition vis-à-vis the typologies of housing supplied by public sector. Through this analysis, we highlight in the report the mismatch between the need and supply of public housing and suggest ways to bridge this gap through policy interventions.

The choice of housing, its tenure and location for the urban poor is guided by nature of employment they are engaged in, their stage of life and household size. We find that casual wage workers and urban poor are more likely to compromise on housing conditions, amenities, and privacy to locate themselves near to their livelihood opportunities.

Urban housing for urban poor is predominantly supplied by the small households that form part of the informal sector however, the quality of housing remains a concern. Housing provided by formal private sector is a miniscule proportion of total housing constructed by them and is not affordable for most urban poor. The current public housing supply is designed to cater to the urban poor remains mostly at the periphery of the cities making them less desirable to the targeted population – lacks tenure diversity and often disrupts livelihoods linages.

The study recommends that public sector should focus on diversifying their housing supply based on the needs of urban poor. It should strive to create a robust housing ecosystem that is responsive to the urban growth, evolving economic structure of the city as well as local preference and aspirations. It should also establish modalities for collaboration with formal private sector to develop newer models of public-private partnerships that also involves and incentivizes, informal private sector, especially the small households that are categorized as subsistence landlords, non-profit sector and communities, to supply better quality housing for the urban poor residents.

A study of democracy is incomplete without a study of one of its most fundamental components—political parties. In India, works on the country’s political parties so far have explored, among other things, the direct and indirect relationship between the nature and type of political parties and the different facets of the state and governance. One such recurring theme is the exploration of the overall structure of federalism i.e relationship between the centre and state governments(Gardner 2013; Jenkins and Roscoe 2014; Borges 2011).

The influence of political parties on the level of centralization and decentralization has not only impacted the federal structure of the country but has also influenced voters in choosing national parties over regional players(Chhibber and Kollman 1998). This ability of the national political parties to overall influence state-level politics has majorly impacted the regional autonomy of states(Gardner 2013).

The transition of the Indian political system into a dominant party system centred around the BJP in the past decade provokes us to see how the changes in the party system are translated across states in India. Initially, we will consider broad and empirical evidence to study the formation, survival and dissolution or exit of parties in India. Here, we show how and when parties in India are formed, what factors impact their survival and what causes their eventual decline and exit. This section is the product of research conducted on a dataset developed over the course of the year. This dataset profiles all parties in all Indian states for legislative assembly elections conducted between 1962 and 2021inclusive.

We first start by looking at periods of high formation and dissolution of political parties and find how many of India’s parties fail to last, ending up exiting the competition after a single election. We subsequently differentiate between the types of parties being formed: are they new and organically arising, or are they the product of splintering and shifting within existing parties? Our research does show that many successful parties are not entirely new and there are a significant number of key parties in states that have links to older national parties. This is especially true for the several parties that split from the INC, or ones that emerged from the breakup of the Janata Parivar of parties.

Later in this section, we also look at state-wise trends of entry and exit of parties in any given election, and how new entrants perform in comparison to more established players. The results suggest that except in certain regions, the hold of older parties has increased, specifically post-1989,whilstsignificantchange happened before it. It also goes on to suggest that the polity of India’s states may be far more stable than frequently suggested.

In the second part of the report, we see how national and regional parties are changing across states in three broad fields—ideologically, in their support bases and in their mobilization strategies and organizational capabilities. We have approached state-level experts in political parties and elections through an online survey to evaluate the parties in the above-mentioned parameters. Insights available from elite surveys(or expert surveys)conducted in the past decades present a national picture of major players in Indian politics in terms of their presence and organizational strength, but we have little to no insights into regional parties and how national parties organize themselves at the state level.

This compendium of policy papers, initiated by Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) Indonesia, seeks to explore the feasible means and approaches to mitigate, if not yet solving, Myanmar’s political stalemate and crisis. While it also seeks to explore ways on how the international community can help to sustain democratic elements in the country. We hope that this compendium can provide policymakers as well as relevant regional stakeholders with new insights in probing diplomatic breakthrough in dealing with the Myanmar crisis, and in supporting the future of democracy in the country.

Policy papers from distinguished scholars around the region review the limits of the Five-Point Consensus, identify alignments of interests and approaches between ASEAN and external powers like China and India, as well as with important multilateral organizations like the United Nations . The papers also investigate the position of important local stakeholders, particularly the ethnic armed organizations and means to engage them, as we seek to recommend ways on how to sustain the network of democracy’s proponent inside Myanmar, which eventually will contribute in identifying the ways forward for Southeast Asian countries and ASEAN in dealing with the crisis.

Nonetheless, it is very challenging to write on these issues with such a very dynamic development of the crisis itself. This newer context may have played differently in some of the assessment towards the interplay of relations between actors in Myanmar, which at times may bring a much more pessimistic outlook towards the hope for a smooth return to democracy and peace for Myanmar.

Regardless, we hope that the compendium will be useful for analysts and policymakers to understand different perspectives and contexts and possible policy options around ASEAN’s mission for Myanmar and the support we can give for a democratic Myanmar.

Rarely in history does a nation go through directly contradictory impulses and emotions at the same time: exultation and horror; celebration and mourning. That sums up what happened with India 75 years ago when it won freedom from British rule but was also partitioned on religious lines as two nations- India and Pakistan (Bangladesh becoming another nation in 1971). It is time to take stock after 75 years; to reflect, introspect and look ahead even while revisiting the past. The Centre for Policy Research (CPR) and CVoter Foundation spearheaded a unique survey-based research project where citizens of India, Pakistan and Bangladesh were asked to give their opinions on a series of questions that
dealt with the political, economic, social, and religious issues of the past, present and future. CVoter conducted this pioneering survey across the three countries in 15 languages between May and September 2022.

The first report released through this collaborative effort reveals the responses of Indian citizens. Some broad stroke conclusions can be summarized as:

• Most Indians think that the country has performed better than expected over several parameters. More than two out of every three Indians think the country has done better than expected in science and technology, national security and infrastructure. The percentage drops significantly to 54 and 51 respectively for the status of minorities and economic growth. The survey shows that most Indians consider corruption (59 per cent) and poverty (56 per cent) as serious challenges to the Indian polity, with 45 per cent picking dynasticism in politics as an area of serious concern. Increasing religious polarization is another important challenge.
• The ghosts of Partition, a series of wars, and frequent terror attacks have hardened the opinion of most Indians when it comes to Pakistan. Two-thirds of the respondents during the survey saw no scope for any improvement in relations between the two countries in this decade. Besides, just 17 per cent of Indians think Pakistan has performed better than expected. Very few Indians trust Pakistan. The survey shows just 14 per cent think our estranged neighbour can be trusted. In sharp contrast, 60 per cent of Indians think our other neighbour, Bangladesh, can be trusted. Besides, one-third of Indians think Bangladesh has performed better than expected, and 38 percent feel it can emerge as the most prosperous south Asian country.
• A clear majority of Indians seem convinced that the economic prospects of the country are brighter, albeit with some major differences across categories. More than 50 per cent of upper-caste Hindus, scheduled tribes, and other backward castes are confident of better economic prospects for India in the next few years. The optimism drops somewhat to 45 percent in the case of scheduled castes. It turns to pessimism in the case of Muslims with 53 per cent saying economic prospects for the country will be worse. But there is a seeming contradiction when it comes to the economic prospects of their families. Large proportions of Muslims (43 per cent) are confident their family’s economic prospects in the next few years will be better. This could be an interesting issue to be examined in more detail.
• Contemporary media is often awash with reports of how more than a million Indians have applied for 100 class C or D government jobs. It has become almost a norm for politicians to promise a surfeit of government jobs during election campaigns. In a country marked with high unemployment and underemployment, the obsession with a government job and the income security it guarantees is to be expected. Yet, the survey reveals many more Indians seem to prefer starting their own business or being self-employed than opting for a government job. The only category of Indians with a higher preference for government jobs are the ones with higher education. This is a surprising result that needs deeper study.
• The survey reinforces long-held inferences by scholars and commentators that India remains a deeply conservative and patriarchal society. Women in India still do not enjoy the full range of freedoms that their male counterparts do. The survey reveals that 62 per cent of Indians think women need permission from male members to take up a job. Similarly, 64 per cent need permission from male members of the family to attend a political meeting or rally. More than 50 per cent need male approval to go out shopping and take household savings decisions. Even when it comes to wearing clothes, one-third need male approval. The percentage of women needing male approval goes down as one goes up the education ladder. Nevertheless, Indian women show aspirational tendencies as far as the political arena is concerned. India remains patriarchal, and true gender equality remains a goal.
• Respondents were questioned to find out the level and extent of trust they have in various institutions. Predictably, the armed forces emerge as the most trusted institution with 93 per cent of Indians thinking so. Perhaps equally predictably, bureaucracy emerges as the least trusted institution with 53 per cent of the respondents backing it. Surprisingly, the media emerges as the second-least trusted institution with 59 per cent of the respondents saying they trust it. That is even less than the 60 per cent score for the police. Perhaps it is also time for some introspection for the fourth pillar of democracy as the level of trust in media institutions remains modest. On the positive side, Indians display far more trust in institutions than their peers in most other countries.