Announcements and a Survey from CPR

2 November 2020

Dear Friends,

On 2nd November 2020, the Centre for Policy Research (CPR) will complete 47 years. I write to you all, to express my sincere gratitude for your consistent and unflinching support over these four decades. It is this that emboldens us and pushes us to remain committed to our core values of intellectual rigour, strict non-partisanship and fierce independence.

In recent years, CPR has sought to step out of the ivory towers of policy research and deepen its public engagement. This, is in part a response to the growing polarisation of public discourse in India and across the globe. In equal measure it is a recognition that long-term policy change requires forging a new public consensus. The need for evidence-based, sober and coherent communication is urgent and pressing and CPR strives to make a small contribution in response to this challenge.

Against this backdrop, we are introducing a survey that helps us get to know you better and enables us to send you content that is tailored to your interests. Please do consider answering these questions (I promise it’ll take only a minute!), so we can have the latest analysis by CPR in your inbox. We will also be launching a brand new fortnightly newsletter on the 2nd. Do lookout for this and stay tuned for some exciting updates from us!

Once again, thank you all for your constant engagement with us. We look forward to more such platforms for debates and discussions.

With warmest thanks,

Yamini Aiyar,
President and Chief Executive,
Centre for Policy Research

Announcing ‘THE JOBS INITIATIVE’: A New Partnership with JustJobs Network

31 October 2018

The availability of good jobs on the scale that India requires is a significant challenge. Centre for Policy Research (CPR) and JustJobs Network (JJN) are launching a new partnership to generate new, innovative and fresh ideas to help tackle the nation’s jobs crisis.

This Jobs Initiative will include cutting-edge, applied research to find solutions to specific employment challenges in areas such as technology, migration and informality and differentiated impacts based on gender and age. As rapid transformations in these areas, coupled with urbanisation and climate change alter the way Indians live and work, this initiative will provide insights on how government policies can adapt to create jobs and support workers. This initiative will engage the government, the private sector, academia, and grassroots organisations to harvest good ideas and promote collaboration.

We expect this partnership with JJN, the only single-issue, applied research institution of its kind in India focusing solely on jobs, education/skills and labour market matching, to add significant value to CPR’s work on urbanisation, economic policy and technology; jointly, we look forward to effectively engaging in shaping the narrative and action on jobs in the country.

Appellate Authorities under Pollution Control Laws in India: Powers, Problems and Potential

3 August 2018

Over the last four decades, courts in India have developed a rich jurisprudence on environmental issues. The large body of environmental case-law reflects the judiciary’s predominant approach to environmental grievance redressal – directing regulatory institutions to take action against persistent violations and injustices, expanding the scope of environmental regulation and recommending special environmental adjudicatory mechanisms to make environmental justice more accessible. However, apart from a few judgments there has been less judicial attention, and resultant executive action, to strengthen existing structures and processes for effective redressal against administrative arbitrariness or inaction. This paper focuses on an often overlooked aspect of environmental grievance redressal, viz., the effectiveness of existing redressal forums. Such assessments of the National Green Tribunal (NGT) are already emerging. But, here the authors evaluate the effectiveness of a set of much older environmental redressal forums viz., the Appellate Authorities constituted under the Water (Prevention and Control of Pollution) Act 1974 (the Water Act) and the Air (Prevention and Control of Pollution) Act 1981 (Air Act) on two broad dimensions – ability to deliver good quality decisions and accessibility.

Appliances used in Affordable Housing

6 December 2017

The large number of affordable homes to be built in the next few years has spurred the interest of cities, real estate developers, technology providers, amongst others. From an energy perspective, the unbuilt homes provide an important advantage. Because the bulk of low-income housing is yet to be constructed, the type of construction undertaken, the appliances they are designed for, and how they expend energy to cool and heat will shape the electricity consumption trajectories through the multi-decade lifetimes of these buildings. More so, new housing provides a physical setting for shaping preferences and practices around appliance purchase and electricity consumption that once set are not easily reversed. In this piece, we examine the energy services demanded within affordable housing, and identify which appliances households buy as their ability to consume increases.

We conducted a survey in 2017 in low-income houses in Rajkot, Gujarat to understand their electricity use patterns and the underlying drivers. This is part of our ongoing study on energy use in low-income urban households under the CapaCITIES project. Lighting, fans, televisions and fridges form majority of the appliance compositions in the affordable housing blocks.

Households use the services provided by these appliances most in the evening between 7-10 p.m., with usage of lighting and TV dominating. As shown in Figure 1, 59% of all households reported they used lighting in the previous evening and 33% of households watched television in that time slot. Fan usage peaked during the night, whereas a small number of fridges, on the other hand, were switched off during the night to save on the electricity bill.

These numbers indicate that not all households use lights in the evening, turn on fans while sleeping or always keep the fridge on. In discussions, some residents indicated that their work did not allow a ‘9 to 5’ schedule where they spent the evening at home; others said they did not turn on lights as the street and hallway lights were enough to illuminate the homes.

Figure 1: Proportion of households availing energy services by time of day
Source: Rajkot affordable housing energy survey (Khosla et al., in preparation)
To understand appliance use better, we categorised results according to the three types of government affordable housing: BSUP or Basic Services for the Urban Poor (built 2007 onwards); EWS or Economically Weaker Sections; and LIG or Low Income Groups housing (EWS and LIG are built under the Housing for All programme, 2015 onwards) (Figure 2). The categories broadly correlate to income – BSUP residents, on average, being the poorest in the sample, and LIG, the best off.

We find that fans are the most owned appliances across housing types, followed closely by televisions. Even in the lowest income BSUP homes, the rates of TV penetration are not dramatically different from the rates in higher income EWS and LIG homes. The difference in rates of appliance ownership between the three categories are most pronounced in fridges, where the LIG homes have the most fridges.

Figure 2: Appliance penetration rates in the affordable housing sample
Source: Rajkot affordable housing energy survey (Khosla et al., in preparation)
This trend is corroborated in Figure 3 which maps appliance ownership with a household’s overall assets or ability to consume, as measured by an asset index. Most homes, even in the early deciles of the asset index, own a fan, and this number increases to two fans or even more as a household’s assets increase. Fan ownership is followed by a TV, and the probability of owning a TV is quite high even though households may not own many other assets. TVs are more ubiquitous than coolers and fridges, in spite of the hot and dry climate and peak summer temperatures of the region. This result aligns with the literature that shows that over the past few decades, TV viewing has become the most important information and entertainment activities for middle class and increasingly for lower-income families. Fridges, on the other hand, follow a more conventional pattern where their ownership rises gradually as households get wealthier (with an increased probability of ownership around the 9th and 10th decile of the asset index).

Figure 3: Appliance ownership across the consumption asset index for the affordable housing sample
Source: Rajkot affordable housing energy survey (Khosla et al., in preparation)
It is clear that fans, televisions and fridges, form the bulk of appliances used within affordable housing units. These appliances, once bought, likely persist in households for a decade if not more, and can often then be passed on, second-hand, to other families. Further, because of the immense transition to affordable housing units that is ahead for India, the number of appliances, which will be bought for the first time is significant. As discussed in the previous piece of this series, appliances drive electricity consumption in homes and the adoption of energy efficient, or star rated, appliance models can significantly reduce this electricity use. We take a further look at the appliances used in the affordable housing sample to examine the number of appliances that are star-rated (Figure 4).

Figure 4: Percentage of star-rated appliance owned in the affordable housing sample
Source: Rajkot affordable housing energy survey (Khosla et al., in preparation)
Two striking insights emerge from Figure 4. First, while fans and TVs are by far the most ubiquitous appliances used within affordable housing, the number of rated appliances within these categories is minimal. Appliance shops in the vicinity of the affordable housing blocks corroborated that consumers had little awareness of energy savings from efficient fan and TVs, and that rated versions were only now entering the market. This presents a significant opportunity for scaling up the standards and ratings programme for fans and televisions, the energy savings from which are dramatic.

Second, the ratings programme for fridges is much more effective, as seen across the affordable housing types. Part of the reason for this is that BEE (Bureau of Energy Efficiency) has mandatory and stringent standards for frost-free refrigerators (as opposed to a voluntary labeling for ceiling fans). In all cases, there is large scope for increasing the efficiency of appliances through a rigorous ratcheting up of standards and labels. Compared to the lack of consumer awareness of TV and fan ratings, shop attendants indicated that consumers were aware of fridge ratings, often asked for input on savings, and were wary of costs of running energy intensive fridges. This is also seen in the data by a proportion of households that turn off their fridges at night to save costs.

As more formalised housing and rising incomes set to increase the use of energy intensive appliances, their usage patterns suggest the enormous scope for this transition to be an energy efficient one. In the next post of this series, we continue to examine energy intensive appliances, with a view from the National Capital Region, which has the highest residential electricity consumption in the country.

This piece is authored by Radhika Khosla and Ankit Bhardwaj at the Centre for Policy Research, New Delhi.

This blog series is also available on the Prayas website here.

This article was republished in Eklavya Magazine in Hindi under ‘स्रोत विज्ञान एवं टेक्नॉलॉजी फीचर्स’, and can be accessed here.

To subscribe to email updates on the series, click here.

Other posts in this series:

Electricity Consumption in Indian Homes
Trends in India’s Residential Electricity Consumption
India’s LED Lighting Story
Illuminating Affordable Homes
The Efficiency of Appliances
Electrifying the National Capital Region
Exploring the different uses of household appliances
Role of human behaviour in driving electricity use

A tale of two reviews: How two governments amended a coastal land use law

6 June 2017
A tale of two reviews: How two governments amended a coastal land use law
PART 7 OF A SERIES ON ‘COASTAL REGULATION’ BY THE CPR-NAMATI ENVIRONMENT JUSTICE PROGRAM

 

Meenakshi Kapoor of the CPR Namati Environmental Justice Program interviews Shri V Vivekanandan and Dr K V Thomas to understand the two review processes of coastal regulation undertaken by two governments before and after the promulgation of the CRZ Notification 2011.

Shri V Vivekanandan
Image: Shri V Vivekanandan
Shri V Vivekanandan has been with the South Indian Federation of Fishermen Societies (SIFFS) for over 25 years, that organises fish marketing, credit, boat building, supply of outboard motors, technology development, studies and documentation for small scale fishermen. He has also worked with the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations. He was the Convener of the National Coastal Protection Campaign (NCPC), a network of NGOs and fishing community organisations, from 2009 to 2014. He was also the sole civil society representative in the National Coastal Zone Management Authority (NCZMA) during 2008-2012. He has been a long time supporter and a resource person of the National Fishworkers’ Forum (NFF). It is in this capacity that he was involved in the negotiations between the NFF and the MoEF (Ministry of Environment and Forests) over the CRZ 2011.

You have been working on coastal and fisheries issues for 35 years now. What have been the main challenges that face coastal and fisheries communities in India in recent years?

There are many challenges facing marine fishing communities. Some of them are age-old problems that still persist: middlemen control over fish landing, indebtedness to moneylenders, uncertainty in fish catches, vulnerability to natural disasters, socio-economic backwardness, lagging behind in education, etc.

In addition to the age-old challenges, they face many new challenges. Poor fisheries management has led to decline of catches in near shore areas and an inequitable distribution of catch between large and small boats. Increasingly, fisheries issues are being over-shadowed by impact of other sectors that threaten not only their livelihoods but also their very existence on the coast.

The last two decades have seen an increasing invasion of the coast by various industries and sectors. Power plants, SEZs (Special Economic Zones), ports, urban construction, tourism projects, desalination plants, etc., are coming up all over the coast damaging fragile coastal eco-systems. Coastline changes resulting in increasing coastal erosion, destruction of mangroves, levelling of sand dunes, loss of valuable inter-tidal zone areas, degradation of fish habitats and nursery grounds, loss of coastal aquifers, increasing pollution from industrial and urban effluents, etc. are threatening the natural capital that is the basis of fishing. It is also physically displacing fishing communities in many areas.

Climate change impacts that are still emerging, are a major threat in the future.

In your view, what is the need to have a regulation like CRZ? Does it really obstruct development as has been stated by the state governments who the Shailesh Nayak Committee (Report of the committee is available here) spoke to?

A regulation like CRZ is a must to protect the coast from anarchical development. All talk of ‘development’ vs. ‘regulation’ or ‘conservation’ is missing the point completely. Development cannot be unfettered and an assessment is necessary before any project meant for development is executed, both with respect to the short term and long term benefits as well as losses it will bring. While ‘sustainable development’ is often seen as finding a balance between needs of current generation and future generations, even this is only partially correct. Many a development project has an adverse impact on our own generation.

The various threats to the coast are not just problems for the fishing community. These are problems for all of us living in the interior. If we lose the protection given by the coast from the fury of the sea, it will affect even the large population living within the broader definitions the coast that may extend up to 50 kms from the sea. Salination of ground water is affecting water quality and seriously affecting agriculture in coastal areas. Coastal erosion is leading to loss of valuable land and causing enormous economic losses to the nation by the loss as well as the costly protection measures that are often futile. So, coastal destruction is a major national challenge and not just the problem of fishermen. They are just the first to see and experience it.

CRZ has been diluted to such an extent that it doesn’t provide adequate protection. If implemented, it can only protect up to a point but that is not good enough. But it still puts certain limits to development. The fundamental principle of CRZ is that an activity should come up in the first 500 m of the coast if it cannot be done elsewhere. Even then, certain restrictions still decide what and how things are to be done. Restriction is not bad. In fact, it is essential for protection. By doing so, we protect ourselves, not some poor fishermen.

You were centrally involved in the discussions with Shri Jairam Ramesh when he was environment minister and these discussions resulted in the 2011 notification. According to you, what were the key points that were at the heart of these discussions?

I was part of a small team of the National Fishworkers Forum (NFF) that was involved in a series of discussions towards the end of 2010 with the MoEF on improving and revising the draft notification prepared by the Ministry to replace the 1991 notification. Shri Jairam Ramesh participated in some of these discussions and helped find solutions to some of the issues on which we could not agree with the MoEF positions.

Overall, NFF was trying to achieve the following in the negotiations:

  • To roll back many of the dilutions that had crept into the original CRZ notification of 1991 through a series of 25 amendments, most of which violated the original spirit of the notification to protect the coast.
  • To scuttle new plans of building big projects like ‘greenfield airports’ which violated the original principle that only activities that require a seafront can be considered in the CRZ areas; to ward off new dilutions planned for specific areas/states that would open a pandora’s box and lead to further dilution of CRZ regulations.
  • To further strengthen the protection to the coast, incorporating the experiences in over the previous two decades. Cumulative impact assessments, halting port development in erosion prone areas, regulating sea walls and other so-called coastal protection measures, etc., were part of this agenda.
  • To improve the enforcement and punitive aspect of the notification and ensure that the violators of the past did not get away because a new notification has come.
  • To ensure the fishing community’s interest on the coast is protected and that housing and development needs of the community are taken care off, something the original 1991 notification did not address adequately.

We won some, lost some. On paper, the MoEF incorporated many of our suggestions. However, a more critical look would show that our ‘success’ was less brilliant. We were unable to make much gain on the roll back of the ‘bad amendments’ of the 1991 notification. Of the new dilutions proposed, we were able to block only a few of them or put some additional safeguards. However, we were much more successful in getting provisions on enforcement and punishment of the past violations.

Our biggest success was in getting many specific provisions for protection of fishing community interests. These included:

-Concessions to fishing communities for expanding their housing into the 100 to 200 metre zone of CRZ-III. Mapping of all coastal fishing settlements and the space used by them and affording protection to these in the new  Integrated Coastal Zone Management Plans (ICZMPs.)

-Representation of fishing community organisations in all coastal institutions (National and State Coastal Zone Management Authorities (NCZMA and SCZMAs) and District Level Committees (DLCs).

We were conscious that making provisions to meet the development needs of fishermen could also lead to further coastal degradation. Hence we sought and got a provision for the State Governments to take responsibility for preparing long term plans for every fishing village. These may have to keep in view that the population would expand over the years but fishermen settlements should expand only on the landward of the CRZ.

We were aware that we had not accomplished all that we had set out to achieve. However, the Minister and senior officials exhibited willingness to continue with the dialogue and work together on the implementation of the notification in a manner that will address most of our concerns. More importantly, the Minister was agreeable to convert the CRZ notification into an Act of Parliament that would give it greater importance and less scope for periodic dilutions by the MoEF under pressure from various lobbies (see details of the meeting between NFF and MoEF to discuss the outstanding issues around CRZ).

Unfortunately, the subsequent implementation of the CRZ 2011 has been poor and many of the progressive provisions of the notification have not been implemented. This can be attributed to unwillingness to continue the dialogue with fishermen organisations by those who succeeded Shri Jairam Ramesh in both the UPA and NDA Governments.

The Ministry’s role was much appreciated by many because they spoke to all the stakeholders and came up with a notification that was somewhat acceptable to all. What did you feel about this process that resulted in the 2011 notification. Did the process matter at all and did it influence the final result?

Yes, the Ministry’s role was much appreciated for the extensive stakeholder consultations it organised and the final rounds of negotiations it held with the NFF to find common ground. However, it needs to be recognised that these discussions took place only after a long and protracted struggle of the fishing communities and civil society organisations from 2005 when the Swaminathan Committee-I proposed that the CRZ concept itself be discarded and replaced with a CMZ (coastal management zone). In particular, the coastal march by the NFF in 2008 from Kutch to Kolkata, created a massive mobilisation of the fishing community for retaining the CRZ. When Shri Jairam Ramesh took charge, he opened the door for dialogue with a series of stake holder consultations across the coastal states in 2009.

Even then, the draft notification which came in 2010 seemed to completely ignore all that was said in the public consultations and contained provisions at complete variance to the sentiments expressed in the consultations. This required a fresh round of struggles and pressure. A few state Chief Ministers, sensing the anger of the fishing community had to write to Shri Jairam Ramesh and the Prime Minister to hold back the notification and undertake a dialogue with fishermen organisations.

However, we have to acknowledge the extraordinary openness and willingness exhibited by Shri Jairam Ramesh in engaging in dialogue and finding solutions that are acceptable to all.

Media reports say that there is a new notification in the offing. What are your concerns if any regarding this and what would you like to see in this new notification for the coast?

Though one should not pre-judge a notification till we see the actual draft, the proposal for a new notification is not good news. All trends indicate that it is clearly meant to make things easier for projects to be established in the coastal areas. The level of protection to the coast is irksome to investors and those who believe in untrammeled development. If a new notification is issued pandering to this constituency, it will be a major set-back to all the efforts of the last three decades in protecting the coast.

I do not wish for a new notification, but for the better implementation of the current notification with constant dialogue with all those concerned for the coast including fishing community organisations. However, if a new notification is put up with provisions adverse to the coastal eco-system and fishermen, we may have to go through a fresh round of struggles and resistance.


Dr K V Thomas
Image: Dr K V Thomas
Dr K V Thomas has been a member of the Lakshadweep Coastal Zone Management Authority (LCZMA) since 2008.

He retired as scientist, National Centre for Earth Science Studies, Thiruvananthapuram and is presently with the Kerala University of Fisheries and Ocean Studies.  He coordinated the preparation of Coastal Zone Management Plans (CZMP) for Kerala, Lakshadweep and Maharashtra and also the Integrated Island Management Plan (IIMP) for Lakshadweep. He participated in the meetings held on CRZ in Kerala in 2010.

 

You have been involved in coastal issues for 40 years. As a scientist and someone who has been closely involved in coastal planning, what have been the main challenges of coastal planning and management?

Challenges now are varied from the ones in older days. Currently, the biggest challenge is that the coastal communities are still marginalised. Even after all these years and amendments to laws, their living conditions have not improved to the level we claim. Fishing as a profession is not respected socially. This has not changed over time. This will happen only when the standard of living of the fisher people and the working environment improves along with financial return.  Fisher people do not get benefits due to them as an extremely marginalised community. Coastal communities don’t have a say in coastal governance. Elected people’s representatives most often do not represent the fisher community and proper participation of the community does not happen in coastal and ocean policy formulation and economic development. Development remains sectoral and not integrated.

Another challenge is that we do not have environmentally acceptable and financially viable coastal protection measures. For instance, hard structures like sea walls cause loss of beach. Even scientists and technologists are not able to give appropriate solutions, therefore coastal vulnerability remains.

Though the concept of integrated management plan was introduced in CRZ 1991, this is yet to happen. Even the management plan under the CRZ, 2011 is pending, though it was due in 2013. Planning means proactive measures and requires reference maps before any activities are permitted on the coast but there are no baseline maps and no integrated plan. National Centre for Sustainable Coastal Management (NCSCM) is involved in plan preparation but it is very secretive. Transparency and involvement of stakeholders have to be there.

Also, canals and small water bodies are being ignored in the CZMP now under preparation. These are blood vessels of the coastal zone.

In your view, what is the need to have a regulation like CRZ? Does it really obstruct development as has been stated by the state governments who the Shailesh Nayak Committee spoke to?

It doesn’t affect development. It only restricts activities in the coastal zone for which shoreline is essential. It tries to decongest the coastal zone. Most pollutants generated in the hinterland land up on the coasts and near shore waters. Coastal regulation zone acts as a buffer zone for the sensitive coastal systems. Sandy beaches and mudflats are themselves morphologically sensitive. CRZ is the only legislation that says that the primary stakeholders of the coast are fisher and coastal communities.

You have followed the CRZ discussions and developments since its first version in 1991. According to you, how has the 2011 Notification been different from the 1991 Notification?

Both the notifications made beach a common property and ensured public access to the beach. The 1991 and 2011 notifications acknowledged that fisher and other coastal people have the first right to use the coast. At the same time, both the notifications failed to acknowledge that fish workers are ecosystem people and the notification must allow them to have basic requirements like construction of dwelling units and associated community and livelihood requirements (subject to certain limits of course) as has been allowed for tribals in forests.

The 2011 notification has included the water area within India’s territorial limits as part of CRZ which is the most positive modification brought in the notification. The 1991 Notification considered aesthetics of the coast and created a category called ‘Areas of Outstanding Natural Beauty’ (AONB) to protect the associated unique ecosystems. The 2011 notification did away with this category.

2011 Notification, in text says a lot on transparency but now the process has become secretive. Everything should have been up on the website. Even the process of preparation of CZMP 2011 is highly secretive. Secrecy leads to corruption.

You were part of the discussions that went into the making of CRZ 2011. What did you feel about this process that resulted in the 2011 notification. Did the process matter at all and did it influence the final result?

2011 Notification came after a lot of discussion. The then Environment Minister, Mr Jairam Ramesh took a lot of interest in it. After the draft notification was issued, different groups were consulted all along the coast. Three meetings were held in Kerala alone. It was a good exercise as there was transparency and we knew all along what was happening. But surprisingly, not much changed from the draft to final notification. Still the process was worth appreciating. Major modification that people like me suggested was that fishing communities should be considered ecosystem people. They should be able to live there with basic facilities. Facilities like small shops required for community life may be allowed. But this was not taken on board in its entirety.

Media reports say that there is a new notification in the offing. What are your concerns if any regarding this and what would you like to see in this new notification for the coast?

Changes based on the Shailesh Nayak Committee report may go against the basic concepts on which the CRZ notifications are built upon. Shailesh Nayak Committee consulted only state governments. It means essentially only the departments that look for ‘development’ were consulted. If recommendations of the Shailesh Nayak committee come through as such, National Coastal Zone Management Authority (NCZMA) and State Coastal Zone Management Authorities  (SCZMAs) that are currently responsible for implementation of the CRZ Notification (read our report on performance of CZMAs) will be looking at only ESAs (Ecologically Sensitive Areas). Their ToR will be limited to protection, conservation and planning for ESAs as opposed to the entire area notified under CRZ. Government bureaucrats are mostly biased to development slogans. Their activities will always be sectoral, never integrated. Without working on the governance mechanism, limiting CZMAs’ role to ESAs and project clearance is not fair.

The other pieces in this series can be accessed below:

Accountability Initiative launches tweetathon on fiscal devolution research on 26 August

25 August 2016

Accountability Initiative (AI) is starting a tweetathon on 26 August to disseminate key findings from its study on the State of Social Sector Expenditure 2015-16. This study assessed the recent changes in fiscal transfers from the union to the states post the acceptance of the 14th Finance Commission (FFC) recommendations by the Government of India in FY 2015–16.

The tweetathon will highlight how the proposed fiscal devolution impacted social sector investments and public service delivery in the states. The study carries a preliminary evaluation of 19 state budgets and an in-depth analysis of 6 states, namely Maharashtra, Chhattisgarh, Rajasthan, Bihar, Karnataka and Tamil Nadu.

The tweetathon will start off with a series of posts that summarise findings from the preliminary examination of 19 states, subsequently sharing details from the 6 focus states, and how these were impacted with respect to: i) changes in the overall share of union transfers, ii) changes in the composition of funding (tied and untied), iii) changes in investment patterns for social sectors, as well as explore fund transfer in key schemes in education and health.

Follow the tweetathon on the @AccInitiative and @CPR_India handles.

To learn more about fiscal devolution proposed by the FFC, read an earlier interview with AI researchers here.

Advertisement: Selection of President and Chief Executive

31 May 2017

The Centre for Policy Research (CPR) has been one of India’s leading public policy think tanks since 1973. The Centre is a non-profit, non-partisan independent institution dedicated to conducting research that contributes to the production of high quality scholarship, better policies, and a more robust public discourse about the structures and processes that shape life in India.

CPR’s community of distinguished academics and practitioners are drawn from different disciplines and professional backgrounds. The institution nurtures and supports scholarly excellence. However, the institution as such does not take a collective position on issues. CPR’s scholars have complete autonomy to express their individual views. Senior faculty collaborate with more than 50 young professionals and academics at CPR and with partners around the globe to investigate topics critical to India’s future.

These include economic policy, environmental law and governance, international relations and security, law, regulation and the state, and urbanisation. CPR interacts significantly with government, academic and non-official institutions in India, South Asia and at the international level. More details about the organisation and its work can be found at this website.

CPR invites applications/nominations for the position of “President and Chief Executive”. This is a challenging post, which is expected to provide intellectual leadership among the policy-making community. The President and Chief Executive will be expected to provide leadership in all facets of the institution. The responsibilities include managing the research agenda at CPR; taking initiatives to develop policy; inducting suitable personnel; organizing programmes conferences, and seminars; ensuring liaison with the like-minded institutions in India and abroad; overseeing financial and administrative matters; and maintaining the autonomy of CPR by raising funds. The President and Chief Executive will work under the overall guidance and supervision of the Governing Board of CPR Society.

The candidate should be below 60 years AND must have a proven track record of leadership skills and must have demonstrated excellence in research and preferably should hold a Ph.D OR have a proven track record of publications and leading research projects. The current emoluments are the same as those of a Vice Chancellor of a Central University. For a suitable candidate these could be negotiated. The contract could be for 3-5 years extendable up-to the age of 65, and subject to 3 month’s notice of termination of service on either side. If a candidate is requested to meet the Search-cum-Selection Committee, CPR will meet the travel cost as per Rules. Nominations and applications should be sent to CPR on or before 20 June 2017 either by email at selectionofpresident@cprindia.org attaching a cover letter together with a brief CV OR in a sealed envelope addressed to the “Chairman, Search-cum-Selection Committee” enclosing a cover letter together with a brief CV. This sealed envelope must be placed in another sealed envelope superscribed “CONFIDENTIAL – TO BE OPENED ONLY BY THE ADDRESSEE” and addressed to “The Chief, Administrative Services, Centre for Policy Research, Dharma Marg, Chanakyapuri, New Delhi 110021”. The Committee reserves the right to request for additional information from the candidates, if necessary. All applications will be treated in strict confidence.

Aftermath of the Pulwama Terrorist Attack – Options for India

Watch the full

6 March 2019

video of the discussion on ‘Aftermath of the Pulwama Terrorist Attack – Options for India’, moderated by Ambassador Shyam Saran, with opening remarks by Yamini Aiyar, featuring Ambassador Sharat Sabharwal, Commodore C Uday Bhaskar and Happymon Jacob, co-organised by India International Centre (IIC) and CPR.

In one of the worst terror strikes in the state of Jammu and Kashmir, around 44 CRPF personnel were killed and several others injured after a terrorist rammed an explosive-laden vehicle into a bus in the state’s Pulwama region on 14 February 2019. The Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM) based in Pakistan claimed responsibility for the attack.

The attack provoked the Balakot air strike by the Indian Air Force, which led to further retaliation from across the border. The events of the last few weeks raise serious questions regarding the future of Indo-Pak relations and the geo-political environment. It also raises important questions on the security scenario and Kashmir and the policies adopted by New Delhi.

The panel discussion explored the plethora of options available to India in dealing with the implications of this attack both in the short-run as well as the long-run.

Yamini Aiyar is the President and Chief Executive, CPR. Ambassador Sharat Sabharwal is the Former High Commissioner of India to Pakistan. Commodore C Uday Bhaskar is the Director of Society for Policy Studies. Happymon Jacob is the Associate Professor of Disarmament Studies at the School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University. Ambassador Shyam Saran is Senior Fellow, CPR and Life Trustee, IIC.

The question and answer session that followed can be accessed here.

A curated media commentary by CPR faculty, analysing the Pulwama attack can be read here.

Agriculture Reforms: Are the recent reforms likely to double farmers’ incomes?

In the las

19 June 2020

t few weeks, the government of India has made significant announcements on reforming agriculture, particularly the regulatory framework for managing agriculture markets in India. These changes have been described as pathbreaking, long-term changes that will significantly alter the terms of trade in favour of the farmer. What are these reforms, what do they mean in practice, and what impact are they likely to have on the everyday lives of our farmers and markets?

In this episode, Yamini Aiyar, President & Chief Executive of CPR, speaks with Dr Mekhala Krishnamurthy, Senior Fellow at CPR and Director of the new State Capacity Initiative at the centre. Krishnamurthy is also an Associate Professor at Ashoka University. She sheds light on the history of agriculture market reforms in India, the intricacies of the mandi system (wholesale vegetable markets), and where the current reforms fall short on benefitting farmers. She recommends that while they are a step in the right direction, the government must look at expanding and strengthening the mandi system in order to truly double farmers’ incomes.

Air Pollution from Thermal Power Plants in India

11 September 2018

‘Power plants as a source of air pollution in India’ as part of the Clearing the Air? Seminar Series. The panellists were Vinuta Gopal, co-founder and director at Asar Social Impact Advisors Pvt Ltd, environmental lawyer Ritwick Dutta, and Priyavrat Bhati, the Energy Programme director at the Centre for Science and Environment. The panel was moderated by Shibani Ghosh, Fellow, Centre for Policy Research.

We have identified some important points that came up during the panel discussion and presented them in the form of a Q&A below. Videos of the panel discussion can be accessed here.

Videos and background information of other events in the Series can be accessed here.

Q: What are the main emissions from coal-based power plants, and how much air pollution do these emissions account for? Where are thermal power plants predominantly located?

Vinuta Gopal (VG): The main emissions from coal-based power plants that contribute to air pollution include sulphates, nitrates, mercury, and secondary particulate matter (which is largely formed by SOX emissions). Coal, fly ash, and secondary particles from thermal power plants and industries in Delhi contribute 35% of PM2.5 in the winter and 41% of PM2.5 in the summer. Since Delhi has 13 thermal power plants with a capacity of over 11,000 MW within a 300-km radius, these emissions are often blown into the NCR by the northwesterly winds. Beyond Delhi, in the Indo-Gangetic belt, satellite imagery shows a direct increase in particulate matter around Delhi, which can be correlated with the presence and growth of coal-based power plants in the region. More than half of the current operational power plants are in 5 states: Maharashtra, Uttar Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh, and Gujarat. In addition, the Ministry of Power says that there are 47,800 MW of power plants under construction. About 40% of the existing power plants are privately owned.

Q: Can you tell us more about the 2015 emission standards for power plants?

VG: Draft power plant-specific emission standards were released in June 2015 by the Ministry of Environment, Forests and Climate Change (MoEFCC) and were finally notified in December 2015. The standards cover particulate matter, SOX, NOX, mercury and water use. The standards were differentiated, so thermal power plants installed before 2003, after 2003, and power plants installed after January 2017 were all given different standards. There were also distinctions in standards based on the size and capacity of the power plants (less or more than 500 MW). Largely, this was due to space constraints – the smaller plants would not have had the space to put in flue-gas desulphurisation (FGD) technology. The standards were to come into force in two years. However, the standards were ultimately not complied with. The matter is now before the Supreme Court.
There are also other rules around the longevity of power plants. According to the Central Electricity Authority (CEA), power plants should be renovated or retired after 25 years, and after 35 years, the plant should not be running. Indian power plants on the 25-year-mark will approach 29 GW by 2025. Indian power plants on the 35-year-mark will approach 50 GW by 2025. Interestingly, in the recently released National Electricity Policy plan, the CEA says that 23,000 MW should be retired by 2022. They are also saying that this retirement will not pose a threat to the power supply.

Q: Why are emission standards necessary for coal-based power plants?

VG: Thermal power plants are point-sources of pollution, so we can actively control their emissions. This is why emissions standards are important. The Central Pollution Control Board (CPCB) says that the 2015 emission standards could have resulted in significant progress, including a 48% decrease in NOX and SOX, a 40% reduction in PM, and a 60% reduction in mercury. This would have been important, since coal-based power plants generate about 75% of India’s electricity.

While talking about air pollution, we often refer to the peak problem – the period around October-November when pollution becomes a serious issue. However, we rarely talk about the baseload problem.

The thick blue line is actual PM10 emissions. The blue line below that is the national ambient air quality standard. Public debate around air pollution spikes in response to peak, episodic problems – such as Diwali smog, and stubble burning in October – but what we often fail to address is that throughout the year, we are inhaling poisonous air. This ‘baseload’ problem is ignored. Power plants contribute to the baseload. Without addressing power plants, you cannot address the baseload pollution.

Q: What was the process of designing the 2015 emission standards?

Priyavrat Bhati (PB): In December 2014, the CPCB started commissioning studies on air pollution due to international pressure, but the focus was on greenhouse gas emissions rather than pollution. The CPCB started to collect broad information on technology, including the boilers in place, technical controls over NOX emissions, and what methods existed to control particulate matter, including electrostatic precipitators (ESPs). They also had a series of expert consultations with manufacturers and retired officials to calculate broad levels of SOX and NOX emissions based on expert opinions on power supply. This was important, because there was a lack of data around NOX and SOX emissions and pollution at the time; Indian power plants were only tracking particulate matter, so SOX/NOX emissions were unknown. They complemented this research by studying regulatory mechanism across the world. What did not happen, unfortunately, was a detailed consultation or conversation with the power sector or the electricity boards. I believe that this was because at the time, the Ministry of Power was not in favor of emissions standards. The MoEFCC chose to issue draft emission standards in June 2015 and then receive detailed feedback from the Ministry of Power afterwards.

Q: Currently, are power plants doing anything to comply with the standards? Is the government attempting to comply in time for 2022?

PB: At the granular level, we do not know what plants are doing to comply with the standards, because we do not have data on emissions and the technical capacity of each plant. We have spoken to plants who are supposed to comply and they are surprised to be informed about the standards, and we have seen power plants that are not planning to put anything into place. That is how serious the disconnect is. It is a fundamental problem with the Central Electricity Authority. Having said that, there are power plants, including those of NTPC, that have been making strides. There is some action – it is just that there is no consistent, overarching plan or strategy, and something needs to be done about it.

Ritwick Dutta (RD): With the air pollution level so high, a power plant led by Tehri Hydro Development Corporation was allowed in Khurja, about 70 km from Delhi last year when they reported the average PM2.5 level at 62 micrograms. If you look at the document, the summer pollution levels are higher than the winter ones. But there were no questions from MoEFCC.

Q: How did the judiciary get involved in the issue?

RD: My involvement in this case began in February 2016, when a young researcher approached me with the view that there was no will to implement the 2015 standards. In May, we filed precautionary litigation in the National Green Tribunal (NGT), communicating the idea that these standards would not be enforced in two years. We wrote to the NGT as follows: if the government wants power plants in India to comply within two years, they must put systems in place, and report on these standards to the court. The litigation began, and the MoEFCC began submitting reports. What was interesting was that during the proceedings, the MoEFCC said – on affidavit – that in December 2017, they would initiate criminal action against non-compliant power plants. Throughout this process, the CPCB also had a consistent stance that everything was in place to ensure compliance. However, when asked, the MoEFCC said that there was no mechanism to ensure compliance, and that power plants were supposed to inform it of non-compliance, after which the Ministry would issue a notice. Beyond that, there was no mechanism. The CPCB has never prosecuted anyone till date, and the MoEFCC maintains that it is the CPCB’s job to follow up on such matters. On two occasions, the NGT was forced to issue warrants of arrest against MoEFCC officials, because they would not disclose anything about compliance. In October 2017, the Ministry filed an affidavit noting that power companies were currently in the planning stage for the issuance of a tender, clearly behind schedule. In November 2017, Senior Advocate Harish Salve moved an application in the Supreme Court, asking the Court to direct compliance with standards.

Q: Was the Supreme Court able to direct compliance with the standards? Why were the standards postponed to 2022?

RD: On December 12, 2017, the MoEFCC moved the Supreme Court to extend the compliance timeline of the 2015 notification by five years. However, the emissions standards were not directed or ordered by the Court, so asking the Court for an extension was puzzling! By going through the Supreme Court, the MoEFCC ensured that any dilution of the standards could not be questioned or corrected by lower courts. Also, in the legal proceedings and in the written paperwork submitted by the MoEFCC, there was no mention of the ongoing NGT case, even though this case was an appeal against the NGT’s order.
There was another disturbing development around this time. Normally, emission standards are notified by the MoEFCC, and the law says that only the Central Government is authorised to issue notifications. On December 9, 2017, the Additional Secretary in the MoEFCC wrote to the CPCB asking them to issue a notification, even though, under law, the CPCB has no real power to issue notifications. On December 11, 2017, one day before court proceedings, the CPCB issued a direction to all power plants, changing the deadline for compliance from December 2017 to 2022. This was done by an Additional Secretary by the name of AK Mehta, who came in for one day as chairman of the CPCB. In Court, the next day, the MoEFCC said that they wanted ‘prior approval’ before they extended the deadline. To our knowledge, the power plants were already informed by an illegal order issued by the CPCB! Our fear is that the government will do the same thing in 2022.

Q: What can be done to ensure compliance – should we rely on the courts? Should we be shutting down plants?

VG: The CEA has said that 26 GW of power should be shut down by 2022. To some extent, there is a move to acknowledge that not all plants should take these standards on. Some would be better off shutting down.

PB: The central government does not control many of the power plants that need to be shut down – those are owned by the states. The states do not have a plan either to shut things down. There is no legal requirement to shut down plants, but maybe compliance could hasten the process.

RD: This is not a simple environmental issue. The timeline and standards cannot be addressed at a minute level by the Supreme Court. Taking this to the NGT to ensure monthly reports and compliance would be much easier. At this point, realistically, 2022 is the deadline. The most critical issue is whether we can collectively decide on incremental deadlines for the next 6-10 months. Instead of waiting for 2022, we should create interim milestones to be achieved. The sad part here is that all the violators have escaped, despite repeated statements that compliance was on track. In that sense, the larger fight is one for accountability and transparency.

Q. What can we change about the process of implementing these standards?

PB: It is clear as daylight that our regulatory processes are not efficient. Frankly speaking, we need to enhance the capacities of these organisations. In the CPCB, there is only one person handling the regulatory work. They do not have the capacity to do everything that they need to do. That’s the current governance situation. One of the board members on the NTPC is a Joint Secretary with the Ministry, so you have the same people on both sides (the regulatory side and the executive side). You are negotiating with yourself.

Also, in a democracy, a broader stakeholder participation process is necessary for environmental laws. In this case, the back and forth between the stakeholders and the slow process of buy-in would have helped. However, that did not happen. Hence, this became a top-down approach. One can argue that the air pollution debate is currently being driven from the top. Although there should have been a mass movement around air quality while we were notifying the standards, that did not happen. So now, the second-best thing is an appreciation for emissions standards and policies, with advocacy and support from civil society.

VG: The public debate has largely been about Delhi and the National Capital Region (NCR). However, it’s clear that every citizen in India has the right to clean air and good health. Power plants are supposed to be making their stack emissions public, and not enough has been done to make those emissions known publicly. There is some work for civil society to do there.