A Pilot Study of Estimating Out-Of-School Children in India

30 November 2016

Why is the study important?

The numbers of out-of-school children (OOSC) put out by various official sources in India, show wide variations. For instance, the Ministry of Human Resource Development (MHRD) survey by Social and Rural Research Institute – Indian Market Research Bureau (SRI-IMRB) estimate of this figure is around 6 million, while for the same year 2014, the National Sample Survey (NSS) figure is around 20 million.

The problems lie not just in the definitions of OOSC used by different sources but also in the systems of collecting and collating data as well as the methods of estimation used by each source:

For instance, all school-based information defines an out of school child as one that is enrolled one year and not the next and/or continuously absent for a certain period of time. Household level data of never enrolled is not included in these estimates. Besides, school data is collected only by teachers who may have a conflict of interest in relation to some indicators, such as inflating student attendance for purposes of mid-day meal allocations and or preserving their own jobs, which are dependent on enrolment figures. Teacher may also be under pressure from parents to not strike names of children off the records.
Drop-out rates, which are estimates based on subtracting days of continuous absence over a period of time from the enrolment figures also vary from state to state (two weeks of absence in Karnataka to three months in Gujarat). This makes inter-state comparisons extremely difficult.
Further, these estimates do not take into account sporadic or irregular attendance, which is known to be very high in most rural schools.
Finally household level data on never enrolled also tends to be highly inaccurate due to i) lack of records on births and deaths and, ii) each data collection agency posing the question in a different way, eliciting a different response from the household. Lack of standardisation across basic indicators thus obscures the data count.
These anomalies call for a closer look at the issues around estimation of OOSC, particularly the attendance patterns of children, with special emphasis on sporadic or irregular attendance, as that has an impact on learning levels as well. With learning outcomes dominating the policy discourse on education, unpacking the links between attendance and learning and its distribution across social categories is therefore important.

This study of out-of-school children was undertaken in order to understand the phenomena of OOSC through an intensive micro-study of all children in a single Gram Panchayat (GP or Panchayat).

How was the study conducted?

It is based on a household survey that provides the population of children in the GP who attend schools located within the boundaries of the Gram Panchayat, as well as a survey of all enrolled children in schools located within the GP.

This enables a mapping of children from the household survey data and school data to obtain a final sample of children from the Panchayat attending schools located in the Panchayat. Thereafter the attendance of these mapped children is tracked through the course of one academic year by making bi-weekly visits (before and after the serving of the Mid-Day Meal (MDM)) to capture attendance patterns of the children.

The study surveys every school age child in the selected Panchayat, who attends school in the Panchayat region, with the intention of:

delineating OOSC by gender, social category and other household factors that might have an impact on attendance rates;
deciphering the attendance patterns and hence the extent of real drop -outs among children according to gender and social category.
The major emphasis of the current study is thus to provide a methodological framework to broaden the scope of defining OOSC by highlighting important issues that have hitherto been neglected in the estimation and analysis of out of school data.

Findings from the study:

The tracking of attendance and the patterns it discerns tells us the following:

Irregular or sporadic attendance is a huge phenomena–more than twice the number of children who recorded continuous absence are actually sporadically absent–but not recorded in the official figures related to OOSC.
Children who are never enrolled constitute an ‘invisible’ category as far as the system is concerned, as they are not recorded in any official document within the education system.
Extremely poor birth registration records exacerbate the problem of invisibility of children not in school.
There are wide variations in the attendance of children from different social groups, including gender, which need further research in order to develop strategies for mainstreaming them.
Various pressures–both at the societal and the school level–have led to overstating attendance of children in the school records to the detriment of children and their chances of improving their learning levels. This is reflected in the difference between the school records and head count data collected during the survey.
Policy implications of the study findings:

The survey results in several policy implications. These include:

First, a better data regime, that accounts for OOSC in a more robust as well as realistic manner, taking into account sporadic absence as well as the invisible children;
Second, adjusting the school calendar to align it with the agricultural cycle of the area permitting children who are needed by the families in peak season to do so, without disrupting their education;
Third, management of a local database by the Panchayat for purposes of data validation as well as tracking basic indicators such as student and teacher attendance, in addition to improved birth and death registration. For some indicators, community authentication would be helpful to check for anomalies that creep in, especially in instances where teachers may have an incentive in misreporting. While this authentication may not be very precise, it would help to red flag some figures, which could then be cross checked using more rigorous methods.
Fourth, developing an early warning system to help identify children at the risk of dropping out so that the school administration and community may take steps early on to prevent the eventual dropping-out of the child.
The full report can be accessed here.

The views shared belong to individual faculty and researchers and do not represent an institutional stance on the issue.

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A Relook at Infrastructure

Image Source: Dhiraj Singh | Bloomberg
5 July 2019

The cost and reliability of electricity and logistics is a major drag on our manufacturing ambitions. Sewage from our cities is killing our rivers. Yet, infrastructure has fallen off the policy radar, despite continuing challenges – evident most vividly in the financial sector’s non-performing assets. What is wrong and how can we fix it? We outline the key actions that need to be taken in the major sectors to make the sector financially viable and support our economic goals.

Electricity

Today, when our installed capacity is a multiple of our expressed demand (which, admittedly, may be less than our need), the objective of 24X7 power supply to consumers – whether industrial, residential or commercial – at efficient and competitive prices, should be within reach. What is stopping us?

Many of the challenges in power have been addressed elsewhere by other colleagues, so I will be brief here. Renewable energy capacity in India has grown rapidly – as befits the progenitor of the International Solar Alliance. Installed capacity of wind, solar, small hydro (less than 25MW) biomass and other such sources have grown seven fold from 11,125MW (8% of grid capacity) in March 2008 to 77,642 MW (22% of grid) in March 2019.

The share of generation from these sources is now 9%. Yet, the share of thermal sources, primarily coal, remains at 78% – except that it now operates at an inefficient 60% plant load factor instead of 74% in 2008. We have been running to stay in place. The rising share of renewables has replaced the lack of growth in large hydro sources, an outcome which may admittedly have other environmental benefits. Integrating the full spectrum of non-fossil fuel resources into the grid is thus more difficult than just increasing capacity of renewable sources. So, we may get to our 175 GW capacity target and yet not achieve much in terms of transforming the carbon-intensity of our electricity supply.

Gas plants, the vaunted mitigators of climate elsewhere, remain almost unutilised – running at just about one fifth of their capacity, less than half of levels ten years ago, largely because current tariff and access regimes make them uncompetitive and they have no fuel supply. Our troubles with domestic gas exploration – KG D-6 for example – has led to relative stasis in gas related investment. Even as the LNG market is being increasingly delinked from oil, with recent prices in Asia dropping to multi-year lows1, our terminals remain underutilised and under-connected. A world where a gas plant can import fuel, land it at a convenient terminal and transport it to its plant by paying an access charge to a network operator seems very far away.

There is one root cause: DISCOMs that do not collect money for power they sell. This one cause has many other manifestations – protective regulators who are reluctant to allow open access, tariff regimes without time-of-day prices, overgenerous feed-in mandates for renewable power, lavish cost-plus tariffs for legacy centrally owned plants with priority power purchase agreements with states, etc.

Given the complicated mess that our power sector has been in over the past many years, spanning all governments, transcending this will need a number of actions, across the generation, transmission and distribution segments. I advocate three, focused on tariffs.

First, industrial and commercial tariffs need to fall, leading, hopefully, to a spurt in jobs. They are much more than the cost of supply, ostensibly to subsidise residential and agricultural consumers.

We cannot kill industries to keep DISCOMs alive. The network has the technical capacity to achieve this objective – especially for industries that receive power at higher voltages. DISCOMs have used their universal supply mandate as an excuse to prevent industries from accessing competitively priced power. Allowing DISCOMs to even procure incremental power and supply them at competitive prices to paying industrial consumers is in the realm of state governments. The alternative is open access – part of our electricity legislation for several years – but limited in its application by our state electricity regulators, a short-sighted approach to protecting DISCOMs.

Second, residential and agricultural tariffs can be rationalised, and in some segments, raised. In the era of direct benefit transfers and income support schemes, price subsidies have outlived their utility. The reduction in fiscal support to the DISCOM can be redirected to targeted consumers as a cash transfer, to insulate them from the effects of the rise in tariffs. A more rational tariff regime may also lead finally to complete metering (one can trace exhortations to meter all feeders back to twenty years ago), and a credible accounting of electricity consumption.

Third, we need to extensively expand time of day pricing. Today, those that consume low cost baseload power bear the burden of higher price peaking (and other) power because of averaging of tariffs. This is being debated for a long time is even used in some segments in some states. It can also make the gas plants, at a time of low LNG prices, competitive, reducing our carbon footprint.

These tariff actions will create the enabling conditions for ensuring that our grid is no longer bankrupt. There will still be much work to revitalise DISCOMs and address the hysteresis of long years of embedded political economy constraints, before they can be made viable. But, this is a better way than UDAY and the creation of a national distribution company, which is a heart bypass, without changing unhealthy habits. At most, if necessary, the Union can support the states in DISCOM reform by advancing bridging loans to tide over revenue shortfalls in the initial stages, if any.

There are many other areas for action. These include enabling a network that can integrate renewable power at the scale it is being envisaged; rationalising and modernising our coal plants – the capacity glut allows us to take some of them offline, temporarily, or even permanently, if necessary; streamlining our gas pipeline grid and pricing to allow gas plants to compete and provide balancing capacity for a renewable heavy grid, etc., etc. There are also many actions that need to be taken to grow an energy related manufacturing sector. But, all of that is only possible when the final cash generating end of the sector – distribution – is viable and healthy. It is time we took this head on.

Telecom

The telecom sector, bar one firm, seems to be struggling despite increasing use, so much so, that one wonders whether the public monopoly before telecom liberalisation will return in a different avatar. Despite rapid growth and the spread of smartphones, we are yet to ensure that a seamless network covers our country with both reliable data and voice. Why are we in this situation?

One major reason is that spectrum is mispriced. It should be virtually free in sparsely populated rural areas. Unless there is congestion, there is no reason to price it. Yet, our current spectrum pricing model makes rural spectrum as expensive as that in cities. This is because Licensed Service Areas (LSAs) are congruent with telecom circles, i.e., states, mixing areas that are both abundant and scarce in spectrum. This does not allow rural spectrum to be separated and affects spectrum availability across the LSA. Auctions are not necessarily efficient if the good being sold is incorrectly bundled. Instead, spectrum needs to be defined in much smaller geographical units (see Box).

If one moves to define and sell spectrum over smaller geographical units, aggregate revenue may remain the same but places with excess spectrum may get more service providers. But, even if it falls, one must question whether the rationale for spectrum allocation is to raise fiscal resources or whether it is to expand connectivity across the country.

Another reason is that telecom services may be priced below economic cost, an issue for the sector regulator and Competition Commission of India to examine. If even the growing firm is sustained more by infusions outside the sector than its own surplus, then, as 5G becomes the standard, whether Huawei’s or Qualcomm’s or whoever’s – China has already awarded licenses to four firms – we may find that Indian telecom sector is too under-resourced to adopt the new technology. This would not be a good outcome. Cheap prices now is too high a price to pay for outdated technology later.

Finally, our Universal Service Obligation Fund was supposed to bring data to our rural communities and transform their access to education and health. Yet, instead of schoolchildren learning from high bandwidth rich digital content, they are addicted to low bandwidth social media separating one from the other. Aadhaar often falters, as biometric machines cannot access stable data connections.

Logistics

Twenty years ago, the government levied a rupee of cess on petrol and diesel, to fund national highways, rural roads and, lest one forget, rail over bridges. The humble but path-breaking cess of 1999 is now the monster eight rupee road and infrastructure cess that no one protests paying. Why, then is our logistics still so outmoded?

Highways

There has been substantial investment in highways in the last administration. The adoption of models like Hybrid Annuity reversed a slump caused by concession models that transferred excessive risk to the private sector, who, regardless had bid aggressively for projects. Public sector banks lent to them on the back of projected cash flows that never materialised. Post the Lehman crisis in 2008, banks were left holding unfinished projects. Most of these have now been restructured and restarted. However, the sector still to solve three challenges:

(a) Barrier free movement for freight road traffic – trains, after all, are not stopped at state borders
(b) Ensuring maintenance of the national highway network
(c) Avoiding white elephant highways, while retaining an appropriate risk-reward framework
For a long time, open road tolling was not possible because offenders could not be identified, absent a national vehicle number database. Now we have one – VAAHAN – and we have e-way bills too. Can we remove all our toll plazas and move to toll gantries, beginning with high traffic routes?

For highways on the BOT model, on annuity or hybrid annuity concessions, there is a built-in mechanism to penalise operators for poor maintenance. Is that working? What about highways on a BOT-capital grant model or those being tolled by NHAI? As the highway network expands and begins to age, a transparent mechanism to monitor and maintain the quality of roads needs to be rolled out.

Finally, hybrid annuity models do not transfer traffic risk to the private concessionaire. As the network grows beyond the obvious congested routes, there is a risk that roads will get built where there is no traffic, even in the near future. To forestall this, we should switch to concession models that limit the transfer of periodic traffic risk, but still retain transfer of lifetime traffic risk – like Least Present Value of Revenue models. For this, we need to familiarise our financial institutions with such methods.

PMGSY: Rural Roads

The construction of 600,000 plus kilometres of rural roads, over the last twenty years, across governments of different political persuasion is testimony to the consensus over rural connectivity. Many states now have supplementary rural roads programmes financed from their own budgets. It has undoubtedly played a major role in moving our workers off the farm, to new activities and locations. The maintenance of this network should now be our primary concern. The initial PMGSY contracts had a built in maintenance period, many of which have now concluded. An institutional mechanism to maintain the PMGSY network needs to be put in place. One model can be the performance based CREMA contracts of Argentina, broadly similar to the initial PMGSY contracts, but for rehabilitation and maintenance, with penalties for not meeting performance outcomes.

Railways

Even the lowest tariff freight train makes more money than the Rajdhani. We need to shift the conversation around Railways from passenger to freight – a critical logistics function essential to support manufacturing. Currently, track capacity is exhausted running passenger trains. In the short term, it is necessary to: (a) prioritise signalling investments on a war-footing to expand capacity and (b) rationalise passenger trains, by combining capacity and retiring trains.

In order to determine which trains to retire, the Railways needs to develop the ability to cost each train, which it currently does not do. The passenger subsidy numbers bandied about are an artificial construct and an over-aggregated exercise. Developing this costing methodology is a priority.

The Dedicated Freight Corridors should also free up capacity by taking traffic away from existing lines. The transport of coal, which still makes up about half of Railway’s traffic, will slow down or even decline as coal power is reduced and produced progressively at the pithead. Can Railways fill this freed-up capacity with other cargo, containerized or otherwise, and with revenue generating passengers? Can it become a logistics company from a mere transporter from one station to another? The strategy that is chosen will have implications for number and types of locomotives and rolling stock. The e-commerce parcel segment is a good way to start this transformation. It will force the Railways to deal with inter-modality, a necessary ingredient for its medium term survival.

Suburban passenger services are urban public service obligations. This activity needs to be separated and costed and then funded separately, as for example the urban metro rail projects.

Finally, the Railways needs financial engineering. Today, a huge portion of its revenue is spent on pension benefits for its retirees. This is an obligation that will progressively reduce over time, as the effect of the National Pension Scheme begins to show. Railways can restructure this predictable liability to reduce its current expenditure and free up resources for investment. Will it do so?

Port

Today, JNPT is quite possibly no longer the Indian port that handles the most containers. That position is likely held by Mundhra, a port owned by the Adanis, connected by a joint venture rail track to the Delhi-Mumbai rail corridor. Mundhra has an unfair advantage – it can decide its prices, JNPT cannot. The tariffs at our major ports (i.e., those owned by the Union government) are determined by the Tariff Authority for Major Ports, an anachronistic holdover in a competitive sector. The Tariff Guidelines notified this year are a far cry from the price flexibility that Mundhra enjoys.

Not only are the tariffs rigidly determined, the structure of our major port concessions are designed to make it costly for our traders to transport. Between a third and a half of the tariff is shared with the government, depending on the port and berth, since the gross revenue share is the bid parameter. It means that tariffs could be reduced by half in some cases and the port would still be viable. Like spectrum, this is again an instance where the urge to raise fiscal resources prevailed over the need to ensure competitive logistics costs for our industry. It is time to take three actions.

First, disband institutions like TAMP, treat ports as a competitive sector, with tariff freedom for operators and improved competition oversight. This should be accompanied with a move away from a revenue share concession structure to a fixed concession fee.

Second, invest in port connectivity to spur inter-port and intra-port competition. The rising share of non-major ports indicates that there is growing inter-port competition, even with problems in road and rail connectivity. Added to this is intra-port competition, when there are multiple operators in a port.

Third, we need to re-examine our approach to coastal shipping. Our eastern ports, together with ports in Bangladesh, Myanmar and Thailand, can act as a sea-bridge to our northeast and integrate our industry with South East Asian value chains. The Bay of Bengal will buzz with crisscrossing ships.

Together, these actions, across road, rail and ports, along with regulatory action and investment to facilitate multi-modal transport, will reduce our logistics costs and make industry more competitive.

Water Treatment

Every major city in India kills at least one river. Even as Chennai dries and Mumbai drowns, Delhi blithely pollutes the Yamuna. Our farms mismanage water and our cities poison it. Yet, with the possible exception of the National Mission for Clean Ganga, there is little programmatic effort – like the National Highways Authority for India for highways – to preserve our rivers and water bodies.

This is not just a matter of building sewers and sewerage treatment plants – a significant portion of such treatment capacity lies unused. We also need to consider the reckless destruction of even groundwater resources by industries that dispose their waste underground, aided by incapacitated pollution control boards – the corridor from Vatva to Vapi rivals the worst polluted areas of China – and the damage caused by chemical run-off from overuse of pesticides and fertilizer in agriculture.

More than inland waterways, river inter-linking and large dams, we need focus on wastewater.

The Digital Future

Even as we address these basic issues, digital technologies are changing the way infrastructure is provided, operated, charged for and maintained across sectors. These technologies permit services to be delivered more efficiently, less expensively, use less resources, cause less damage to the environment and reach a wider user base. This will not happen automatically or quickly but the process can be accelerated with an appropriate mix of regulatory mechanisms and financing tools.

The availability of funds is not the constraint that will restrain growth of digitally enabled infrastructure. The challenge is to design projects to balance risk and reward in a way that providers are incentivised to serve users well, while financiers are insured from the realisation of uncontrollable risks.

One such financial risk is the fast-obsolescing nature of these technologies, where yesterday’s cutting edge is tomorrow’s discard. This structural risk can slow down the adoption of socially beneficial technologies. Slow adoption can also be engineered by those who will lose their investments from new technologies. This will need public action in terms of financing models and regulatory oversight.

Conclusion

Our infrastructure models are still operationally inefficient, financially fragile and future-unready, both in terms of technology and the environment. For too long – across governments – we have focused on making money from infrastructure rather than seeing it as a service that can power growth and enable the transformation of India. If we did manage to convince our private sector to invest enough to get us to 8%+ growth, we will hit a wall of infrastructure constraints. We have lived too long off our earlier investment in the past few years. We cannot do so any longer.

1 Henry Hub, the US local benchmark and increasingly an alternative basis, vis-à-vis oil, for export pricing, has stayed below USD 3 per mmbtu for three fourths of the time over the last five years.
2 This is to avoid situations where spectrum trading leads to licences that are too small to be practical, resulting in inefficient use of spectrum and unnecessary administrative costs.

A Study of informal sector migrants in Delhi and Hyderabad

3 August 2016

Watch the full video of the workshop (above), where the speakers present preliminary insights on the intimate lives of first and second generation rural-to-urban migrants in Delhi and Hyderabad.

These initial insights, as part of their ongoing project ‘The City and Country: Towards a Poetics of Informal Economies in Contemporary India’, strive to bring humanistic insights to existing political economy scholarship on migration and employment.

The two-part question and answer session that followed can be accessed here: Part 1, Part 2

A Study of Love and Marriage in Middle Class Delhi

7 July 2016

Watch the full video of the workshop (above), which deconstructs the ideals of love, romance and choice marriages as an urban phenomenon, associated specifically with the so-called progressive, modern, ‘neoliberal’ middle class.

This talk examines the construction of middle class identity by young professionals in Delhi, through their experiences of romance and criteria for selection of a spouse.

While the first part examines the changing landscapes of urban Delhi–coffee shops, restaurants, leisure spaces, and describes the specific ways in which these spaces enable a middle class identity, the second part of the talk focuses on the ideals of being middle class.

The two-part question and answer session that followed can be accessed here: Part 1, Part 2.

A Summary of the CPR-GI-ACE Audit and Anti Corruption Workshop

The Centre for Policy Research, Delhi in association with the Global Integrity Anti-Corruption Evidence Research Programme (GI-ACE) hosted a workshop focused on ‘Audit and Anti-Corruption Measures in India’ with a special focus on the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA) and the Pradhan Mantri Gram Sadak Yojana (PMGSY). The workshop took place on Tuesday, 24th September 2019 and was conducted at the Centre for Policy Research. The co-conveners of the workshop were Amrita Dhillon, who is currently Professor of Economics at King’s College London and Yamini Aiyar, President and Chief Executive of the Centre for Policy Research.

The workshop sprung from a belief in the necessity to bring together government officials, policy activists, and researchers to deliberate on finding possible complementarities with two seemingly opposite methods of ensuring transparency and reducing inefficiency in government schemes. While policy activists have focused on the power of public audits as a forum to bring to light inefficiencies and corruption and have sought to formalize them into schemes thereby empowering beneficiaries, the government seems to have shifted to a technology based approach to deliver greater efficiency and target corruption. With a view towards securing a holistic view of this question, the workshop was successful in bringing together participants from the government, civil society, and academia. They ranged from organizations such as the Ministry of Rural Development, Comptroller and Auditor General’s Office, Indian Statistical Institute, Social Accountability Resource Unit, IDInsight, Azim Premji University, Accountability Initiative and the Brookings Institution to name a few.

The first session was chaired by Farzana Afridi from the Indian Statistical Institute and titled ‘Leakages in Central Schemes, Centralised Monitoring and Interaction with New Technologies.’ It featured speakers from academia, policy practitioners, and the government who each sought to contextualize their experience within the ambit of either framing anti-corruption policy or studying its efficacy on the field.

Yamini Aiyar from the Centre for Policy Research began the session by recounting her experiencegleaned from having observed the implementation of MGNREGA since its inception and closely studiedsocial audits in the MGNREGA. She pointed to the importance of the scheme as an experimental ground for governance and citizen engagement through vehicles like social audits. However she also cautioned against an overemphasis on corruption at the cost of building state capability for effective implementation and the tensions between greater decentralization and anticorruption efforts. To reduce leakages, she underscored the importance of the need for enhancing capacities of the panchayats while roping in the government to be a part of the social audits which can be a rich source of feedback to judge the workings of their technological interventions. This was a point also echoed by Karan Nagpal, an economist at the consulting group IDInsight, who drew upon the firm’s groundwork experience as well as his own doctoral thesis research which emphasized the need to build capacity at the grassroots to overcome the difficulties that arise from a technological intervention.

The government officials who attended the session provided an invaluable insight into how the establishment looks at the issue of corruption through the lens of auditing and how technological innovations are conceived, adopted, tweaked and finally institutionalized.

Alka Upadhyay, Additional Secretary at the Ministry of Rural Development, detailed how the Ministry has moved to plug the main sources of leakages in the MNREGA—namely wage siphoning, creation of fake beneficiaries and assets not getting created. According to her, aside from the oft cited Direct Benefit Transfer, an important technological intervention to obtain a finished asset has been geotagging- particularly in the PMGSY. She also highlighted the Ministry’s efforts to ensure transparency across multiple levels while still acknowledging that more needs to be done in this matter; an example cited was the possibility of making data on road maintenance mapped through geotagging and MIS publicly available thereby making it a powerful tool for social audits. Another area of improvement mentioned by her was in empowering citizen monitoring and building better mechanisms to track their complaints.

Sunil Dadhe—Director General of Audit (Central Expenditure)—sought to demystify the Audit approach to handling corruption. He explained the three approaches that Audit employs: a system-oriented approach which focuses on the system that creates a scheme where delivery doesn’t match expectations, a result-oriented approach which is focused on meeting pre-decided targets, and a problem-oriented approach which looks at specific instances that enhance audit risks. He highlighted the need to embrace technology in audits and bring about correlating data sets across various fields—something China has done to better combat air pollution.

An interesting point that arose during these discussions was the role of the citizen in demanding accountability. Keshav Desiraju, who retired as Secretary, Health & Family Welfare, spoke about how the state expects the citizen to demand accountability and is not predisposed towards providing it; a factor which perhaps explains the social audit falling out of favor as an anti-corruption measure.

The second session was chaired by Amrita Dhillon and titled ‘Accountability Initiatives.’ The speakers in this session were practitioners and civil society activists from the social audit sphere who provided an incisive view on how grievance redressal works at the ground level and the multiple roles played by social audits as mechanisms for increasing awareness, providing a platform for complaint redressal and, formulating processes for grievance redressal against mistakes caused by technological intervention.

Rakshita Swamy from the State Accountability Resource Unit (SARU) built on the points made in the previous session by Sunil Dadhe and pointed out that Social Audit reports have great potential to be used in compliment to CAG audit reports—a practice already in place in Maharashtra and Andhra Pradesh. While highlighting the importance of an audit as a mechanism for spreading awareness and demanding accountability, they are also rich sources of qualitative data which can explain the ‘who, why, and how’ of scheme operations.

Anjor Bhaskar, faculty at Azim Premji University, drew on his fieldwork experiences in Jharkhand to illustrate the role social audits play as grievance redressal mechanisms when technological interventions create a plethora of new problems, probably most commonly seen with the stories of starvation deaths coming out of Jharkhand due to PDS denial caused from inefficient Aadhar linkage. Rajendran Narayanan, also at Azim Premji University, provided more detailed case studies expressing what he termed his “wariness about the techno-utopian way of making schemes efficient.” An interesting observation that Narayanan brought up was the use of messaging services like WhatsApp by frontline bureaucrats to convey decisions which obfuscates accessibility and erases trails which citizens cannot appeal against later.

A second point that Bhaskar sought to underscore was the availability of multiple datasets of rich data with the government but none of them are available for public scrutiny. The most obvious one he highlighted was the lack of Action Taken Report (ATR) availability in the public domain or on the internet. Another opaque avenue rich with data that he mentioned was the possibility of studying Gram Panchayat Development Plans (GPDP) to better understand the workings of the panchayat as well as its priorities.

Anindita Adhikari, currently a PhD student at Brown University, shared experiences from fieldwork conducted in Bihar as part of her ongoing doctoral thesis. She sought to explain the widespread adoption of Jaanchculture or a culture of inspections, often unplanned, random ones, comprising of surprise checks, individual checks, Lokpal inspections and, social audits. It was found that a lot of these random visits and checks are not explicitly audited but a way of maintaining a regular flow of work. However, it was observed that some of the reports coming out of these social audits were ambiguous and difficult to take action on. Another important factor was that panchayats were being kept out of the process of the social audits pointing to the need for giving them more formal responsibility when it comes to social audits.

The workshop culminated with a note of thanks delivered by co-convener Amrita Dhillon who drew notice to the breadth of topics covered throughout the day as well as appreciation for the sheer diversity of experts around the table. The daylong session was a fascinating, and rare, insight into a topic where two major stakeholders- the government and civil society are often at loggerheads, unable to see the other’s side. By bringing not just representatives from these two sectors, but also formal academics and private practitioners, the workshop helped foster substantive discussions based on a holistic understanding of the sector and generated avenues for further improvement, study, and implementation.

A Summary of the CPR-GI-ACE Audit and Anti Corruption Workshop

The Centre for Policy Research, Delhi in association with the Global Integrity Anti-Corruption Evidence Research Programme (GI-ACE) hosted a workshop focused on ‘Audit and Anti-Corruption Measures in India’ with a special focus on the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA) and the Pradhan Mantri Gram Sadak Yojana (PMGSY). The workshop took place on Tuesday, 24th September 2019 and was conducted at the Centre for Policy Research. The co-conveners of the workshop were Amrita Dhillon, who is currently Professor of Economics at King’s College London and Yamini Aiyar, President and Chief Executive of the Centre for Policy Research.

The workshop sprung from a belief in the necessity to bring together government officials, policy activists, and researchers to deliberate on finding possible complementarities with two seemingly opposite methods of ensuring transparency and reducing inefficiency in government schemes. While policy activists have focused on the power of public audits as a forum to bring to light inefficiencies and corruption and have sought to formalize them into schemes thereby empowering beneficiaries, the government seems to have shifted to a technology based approach to deliver greater efficiency and target corruption. With a view towards securing a holistic view of this question, the workshop was successful in bringing together participants from the government, civil society, and academia. They ranged from organizations such as the Ministry of Rural Development, Comptroller and Auditor General’s Office, Indian Statistical Institute, Social Accountability Resource Unit, IDInsight, Azim Premji University, Accountability Initiative and the Brookings Institution to name a few.

The first session was chaired by Farzana Afridi from the Indian Statistical Institute and titled ‘Leakages in Central Schemes, Centralised Monitoring and Interaction with New Technologies.’ It featured speakers from academia, policy practitioners, and the government who each sought to contextualize their experience within the ambit of either framing anti-corruption policy or studying its efficacy on the field.

Yamini Aiyar from the Centre for Policy Research began the session by recounting her experiencegleaned from having observed the implementation of MGNREGA since its inception and closely studiedsocial audits in the MGNREGA. She pointed to the importance of the scheme as an experimental ground for governance and citizen engagement through vehicles like social audits. However she also cautioned against an overemphasis on corruption at the cost of building state capability for effective implementation and the tensions between greater decentralization and anticorruption efforts. To reduce leakages, she underscored the importance of the need for enhancing capacities of the panchayats while roping in the government to be a part of the social audits which can be a rich source of feedback to judge the workings of their technological interventions. This was a point also echoed by Karan Nagpal, an economist at the consulting group IDInsight, who drew upon the firm’s groundwork experience as well as his own doctoral thesis research which emphasized the need to build capacity at the grassroots to overcome the difficulties that arise from a technological intervention.

The government officials who attended the session provided an invaluable insight into how the establishment looks at the issue of corruption through the lens of auditing and how technological innovations are conceived, adopted, tweaked and finally institutionalized.

Alka Upadhyay, Additional Secretary at the Ministry of Rural Development, detailed how the Ministry has moved to plug the main sources of leakages in the MNREGA—namely wage siphoning, creation of fake beneficiaries and assets not getting created. According to her, aside from the oft cited Direct Benefit Transfer, an important technological intervention to obtain a finished asset has been geotagging- particularly in the PMGSY. She also highlighted the Ministry’s efforts to ensure transparency across multiple levels while still acknowledging that more needs to be done in this matter; an example cited was the possibility of making data on road maintenance mapped through geotagging and MIS publicly available thereby making it a powerful tool for social audits. Another area of improvement mentioned by her was in empowering citizen monitoring and building better mechanisms to track their complaints.

Sunil Dadhe—Director General of Audit (Central Expenditure)—sought to demystify the Audit approach to handling corruption. He explained the three approaches that Audit employs: a system-oriented approach which focuses on the system that creates a scheme where delivery doesn’t match expectations, a result-oriented approach which is focused on meeting pre-decided targets, and a problem-oriented approach which looks at specific instances that enhance audit risks. He highlighted the need to embrace technology in audits and bring about correlating data sets across various fields—something China has done to better combat air pollution.

An interesting point that arose during these discussions was the role of the citizen in demanding accountability. Keshav Desiraju, who retired as Secretary, Health & Family Welfare, spoke about how the state expects the citizen to demand accountability and is not predisposed towards providing it; a factor which perhaps explains the social audit falling out of favor as an anti-corruption measure.

The second session was chaired by Amrita Dhillon and titled ‘Accountability Initiatives.’ The speakers in this session were practitioners and civil society activists from the social audit sphere who provided an incisive view on how grievance redressal works at the ground level and the multiple roles played by social audits as mechanisms for increasing awareness, providing a platform for complaint redressal and, formulating processes for grievance redressal against mistakes caused by technological intervention.

Rakshita Swamy from the State Accountability Resource Unit (SARU) built on the points made in the previous session by Sunil Dadhe and pointed out that Social Audit reports have great potential to be used in compliment to CAG audit reports—a practice already in place in Maharashtra and Andhra Pradesh. While highlighting the importance of an audit as a mechanism for spreading awareness and demanding accountability, they are also rich sources of qualitative data which can explain the ‘who, why, and how’ of scheme operations.

Anjor Bhaskar, faculty at Azim Premji University, drew on his fieldwork experiences in Jharkhand to illustrate the role social audits play as grievance redressal mechanisms when technological interventions create a plethora of new problems, probably most commonly seen with the stories of starvation deaths coming out of Jharkhand due to PDS denial caused from inefficient Aadhar linkage. Rajendran Narayanan, also at Azim Premji University, provided more detailed case studies expressing what he termed his “wariness about the techno-utopian way of making schemes efficient.” An interesting observation that Narayanan brought up was the use of messaging services like WhatsApp by frontline bureaucrats to convey decisions which obfuscates accessibility and erases trails which citizens cannot appeal against later.

A second point that Bhaskar sought to underscore was the availability of multiple datasets of rich data with the government but none of them are available for public scrutiny. The most obvious one he highlighted was the lack of Action Taken Report (ATR) availability in the public domain or on the internet. Another opaque avenue rich with data that he mentioned was the possibility of studying Gram Panchayat Development Plans (GPDP) to better understand the workings of the panchayat as well as its priorities.

Anindita Adhikari, currently a PhD student at Brown University, shared experiences from fieldwork conducted in Bihar as part of her ongoing doctoral thesis. She sought to explain the widespread adoption of Jaanchculture or a culture of inspections, often unplanned, random ones, comprising of surprise checks, individual checks, Lokpal inspections and, social audits. It was found that a lot of these random visits and checks are not explicitly audited but a way of maintaining a regular flow of work. However, it was observed that some of the reports coming out of these social audits were ambiguous and difficult to take action on. Another important factor was that panchayats were being kept out of the process of the social audits pointing to the need for giving them more formal responsibility when it comes to social audits.

The workshop culminated with a note of thanks delivered by co-convener Amrita Dhillon who drew notice to the breadth of topics covered throughout the day as well as appreciation for the sheer diversity of experts around the table. The daylong session was a fascinating, and rare, insight into a topic where two major stakeholders- the government and civil society are often at loggerheads, unable to see the other’s side. By bringing not just representatives from these two sectors, but also formal academics and private practitioners, the workshop helped foster substantive discussions based on a holistic understanding of the sector and generated avenues for further improvement, study, and implementation.

‘International Climate Change Law’ awarded the 2018 Certificate of Merit in a Specialized Area of International Law

26 May 2017

We are excited to announce that this volume has been awarded the 2018 Certificate of Merit in a Specialized Area of International Law by The American Society of International Law. Find below a short excerpt from the note accompanying the award:

“In a foreword to this book, the authors remark that “international climate change law presents a moving target.” Indeed, a field buffeted by sharp political controversies, entrenched economic interests, complex evolving science, global inequalities, and urgent advancing deadlines presents a formidable area of study. The authors rise to the challenge, bringing their many collective decades of experience to bear in developing a remarkably clear and cohesive overview of the field. Indeed, the authors develop the parameters of the field as they review it,offering an account of its origins; analysis of the key conventions of the climate change regime (specifically the Framework Convention on Climate Change, Kyoto Protocol and Paris Agreement), and their corresponding institutions; as well as private, sub-national, and polycentric climate change governance regimes; and intersections between climate change and areas like trade, human rights law, and migration. We were particularly struck by the authors’ capacity to weave both authoritative analysis of legal rules and a nuanced understanding of practical and political factors into a comprehensive and eminently accessible account. The elements add up to a timely and extraordinarily useful guide that will be relevant for scholars, practitioners, students, and legal architects alike.”

The CPR Initiative on Climate, Energy and Environment is pleased to announce the publication of International Climate Change Law, co-authored by Professor Lavanya Rajamani, which provides a comprehensive overview of international climate change law. Climate change is one of the fundamental challenges facing the world today, and is the cause of significant international concern. In response, states have created an international climate regime. The treaties that comprise the regime – the 1992 United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, the 1997 Kyoto Protocol and the 2015 Paris Agreement establish a system of governance to address climate change and its impacts. This tome authored by Daniel Bodansky, Jutta Brunnée, and Lavanya Rajamani provides a clear analytical guide to the climate regime, as well as other relevant international legal rules.

The book locates international climate change law within the broader context of international law and international environmental law. It considers the evolution of the international climate change regime, and the process of law-making that has led to it. It examines the key provisions of the Framework Convention, the Kyoto Protocol and the Paris Agreement. It analyses the principles and obligations that underpin the climate regime, as well as the elaborate institutional and governance architecture that has been created at successive international conferences to develop commitments and promote transparency and compliance. Further, it address the polycentric nature of international climate change law, as well as the intersections of international climate change law with other areas of international regulation.

This book is an essential introduction to international climate change law for students, scholars and negotiators.

Catherine Redgwell, Chichele Professor of Public International Law, University of Oxford, writes in her review of the book, “This book is a comprehensive and authoritative account of international climate change law by three towering figures in the field… The authors have brought their unique blend of academic expertise and practical experience of the climate regime to produce the definitive work on international climate change law, and what will surely be viewed as an instant classic.”

Philippe Sands, Q C, Professor of Law, University College London in his review writes that “On the ‘defining issue of our age’, Bodansky, Brunnée and Rajamani offer the definitive guide to the history, process and substance of international law’s effort to address climate change – and the prospects we face. Measured, authoritative and readable, to the Paris Agreement and, hopefully, beyond.”

Jacob Werksman, Principal Advisor, DG Climate Action, European Commission writes “I can think of no better team of “academic practitioners” to bring a balanced insight to this surprisingly complex and subtle area of international law. I am sure even those involved in these negotiations will find new nuance and insight in this book.”

Further information about the book can be found here. More detail on Dr. Rajamani’s work can be found here.

‘Hum aur Humaari Sarkaar’

27 July 2018

The journey

PAISA course was Accountability Initiative’s flagship capacity building programme to equip our field team to understand and engage with the processes and implementation of government programmes across a range of sectors.

Over the course of our journey, we realised that our research and on-ground experience spanning domains related to policy, finance, education, planning and management, coupled with the theoretical knowledge from the original PAISA course could prove to be essential learnings for other stakeholders working in the larger development ecosystem. We believe governance is a practice-oriented discipline. Thus, in order to build capability of both professionals and frontline government functionaries, theoretical knowledge must find application in resolving an experiential problem. The course is our attempt to not only bridge the gap between research and practice but also create spaces for collaborative learning.

What are we trying to achieve?

The aim of the course is to inculcate in participants an understanding of:

The structure of the Indian administrative system and the complications of the environment within which they work. The participants should be able to decipher for themselves the bureaucracy’s importance within the Indian government system and not just criticise the system on grounds of corruption.

The fund flow system, the importance of budgets, and how schemes are formulated and implemented, and then analyse the complexities of the Indian financial system. The course urges participants to simultaneously ask questions around why money does not reach its stipulated destination on time and where it gets delayed.

Who is our audience?

Hum aur Hamaari Sarkaar has been strategically designed to cater to grassroots-level development sector professionals across organisations working towards improving the quality of public services. The course makes a conscious effort to take content, often not available easily, and empower these professionals with tools to understand and contextualise government functioning within their local context. It thereby enables participants to undertake a critical analysis of state capability in India.

Through this course, the Learning and Development team (L&D) at AI envisages to build and strengthen the nodes between decision-makers, service-providers and citizens, and catalyse change through structured learning opportunities that enable them to participate in and monitor social sector programmes.

The course is conducted entirely in Hindi by PAISA Associates or AI’s field staff who carry out ground surveys to track budget spend in key social sector schemes.

Our experience so far

So far two trainings have been conducted, with:

District-level coordinators of the NGO Pratham in Bihar, who mainly work to implement Pratham’s programmes on education at the field-level, often in partnership with the government, and;

Block-level coordinators of the Nehru Yuva Kendra in Rajasthan, who work to create awareness about government schemes and ensure all intended beneficiaries are able to avail them with ease.
The following are testimonies of some of the participants, which underscore the importance of the training:

‘Change from earlier way of thinking in which bureaucracy and officials were seen as corrupt and hungry for bribes to recognising that they are burdened beyond their capacities, stuck in centralised and long drawn bureaucratic processes,’ Deepak Saini, Participant, Nehru Yuva Kendra.

‘There were 1 or 2 people whose money was stuck. We found out that the Sarpanch had listed someone else’s account and the money had gone into that account. Thus, while the money was transferred, it did not reach the intended beneficiary. The Sarpanch and the Secretary said this could be the result of a mistake. Through the course we could identify where the lapse actually was (at the Panchayat level) and would have assumed that the money had not been disbursed from the source!’ Om Prakash Sharma, Participant, Nehru Yuva Kendra.

Importantly, Hum aur Hamaari Sarkaar also proved to be a stepping stone for AI’s PAISA Associates or field staff, who are the trainers and facilitators of the course. They not only honed their training and facilitation skills but also spent considerable time building their knowledge levels to become subject experts.

For more information please click here.

‘India in a Warming World: Integrating Climate Change and Development’ edited by Navroz K Dubash

About the Book
As science is increasingly making clear, the problem of climate change poses an existential challenge for humanity. For India, this challenge is compounded by immediate concerns of eradicating poverty and accelerating development, and complicated by its relatively limited role thus far in causing the problem. India in a Warming World explores this complex context for India’s engagement with climate change. But, in addition, it argues that India, like other countries, can no longer ignore the problem, because a pathway to development innocent of climate change is no longer available. Bringing together leading researchers, activists, and policymakers, this volume lays out the emergent debate on climate change in India. Collectively, the chapters deepen clarity on why India should engage with climate change and how it can best do so.

Read the open-access PDF version of India in a Warming World on the Oxford University Press website.

To view the table of contents and learn more about the authors, visit the book homepage on the CPR website.

About the Speakers
Chandra Bhushan is a noted environmentalist, and has distinguished himself as a researcher, writer and campaigner for environmentally sound and socially inclusive development. Bhushan has wide-ranging research and public policy interests. He has researched, written and campaigned for issues ranging from climate change and energy transformation to rights of mining-affected people and industrial pollution. He was conferred with the Ozone Award by the UN Environment in 2017. He is presently the CEO of the International Forum for Environment, Sustainability & Technology (iFOREST), an independent non-profit environmental research and advocacy organisation based in New Delhi.

Naina Lal Kidwai is Chairperson, Advent Private Equity India Advisory board, a non-executive Director on the boards of LafargeHolcim, Max Financial Services, CIPLA, Nayara Energy and Larsen and Toubro, and a former President of the Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce & Industry (FICCI). She retired in 2015 as Chairperson, HSBC India and Executive Director on the board of HSBC Asia Pacific. She is a member of the Rockefeller Foundation’s Economic Council on Planetary Health, and serves as a Commissioner on the Global Commission on Economy & Climate. She has previously been a member of the International Advisory Council of the United Nations Environment Program, and the World Economic Forum’s Global Agenda Council on Climate Change. An MBA from Harvard Business School, Naina is the recipient of several awards and honours, including the Padma Shri for her contribution to trade and industry.

Nitin Sethi is an independent writer and journalist. He has written on and investigated the intersections of environment, energy, climate change, development and the political economy over the last two decades. A winner of several international and national fellowships and awards, he has worked previously at The Hindu, Business Standard, Times of India, Scroll.in and the Down To Earth magazine.

About the Editor

Navroz K Dubash is a Professor at CPR, and leads the CPR Initiative on Climate, Energy and Environment. He works on climate change policy and governance, the political economy of energy and air pollution, and the regulatory state in the developing world. Widely published in these areas, Navroz serves on Government of India advisory committees on climate change, energy and air pollution, and on the editorial boards of several international journals. He is currently a Coordinating Lead Author for the national policies and institutions chapter in the upcoming 6th Assessment Report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC). In 2015, he was conferred the 12th T N Khoshoo Memorial Award for his work on climate change policy.

‘The Lost Decade (2008-18): How India’s Growth Story Devolved into Growth Without a Story’ by Puja Mehra

Before the global financial meltdown of 2008, India’s economy was thriving and its GDP growth was cruising at an impressive 8.8 per cent. The economic boom impacted a large section of Indians, even if unequally. With sustained high growth over an extended period, India could have achieved what economists call a ‘take-off’ (rapid and self-sustained GDP growth). The global financial meltdown disrupted this momentum in 2008.

In the decade that followed, each time the country’s economy came close to returning to that growth trajectory, political events knocked it off course. In 2019, India’s GDP is growing at the rate of 7 per cent, making it the fastest-growing major economy in the world, but little on the ground suggests that Indians are actually better off. Economic discontent and insecurity are on the rise, farmers are restive, and land-owning classes are demanding quotas in government jobs. The middle class is palpably disaffected, the informal economy is struggling and big businesses are no longer expanding aggressively. India is not the star it was in 2008 and in effect, the ‘India growth story’ has devolved into ‘growth without a story’.

The Lost Decade tells the story of the slide and examines the political context in which the Indian economy failed to recover lost momentum.

Puja Mehra is an Economic Journalist. Rathin Roy is Director of the National Institute of Public Finance and Policy. Nitin Desai is the Former Chief Economic Advisor at the Ministry of Finance. Rohit Chandra is a Fellow at CPR.

A review of the book by Rohit Chandra, published in Open, the Magazine can be read here.

The question and answer session that followed can be accessed here.