Metamorphoses- Talking Technology: Keynote

31 May 2018
Metamorphoses- Talking Technology: Keynote
FULL VIDEO OF THE KEYNOTE BY PROF YOCHAI BENKLER

 

Watch the full video (above) of the keynote by Professor Yochai Benkler introducing ‘Metamorphoses’ – a series of nine interactions, which will unfold over a year, covering different aspects of the digital revolution. Metamorphoses is a modest effort to try and bridge the gap between digital technologies, which are transforming our lives, and our understanding of their multiple dimensions. The series is a joint initiative between NITI Aayog (the Government of India’s think tank), India International Centre (IIC) and Centre for Policy Research (CPR).

Prof Benkler talks about current and future technologies and their likely impact on democracy, development, growth and inequality.

Prof Yochai Benkler is the Berkman Professor of Entrepreneurial Legal Studies at Harvard Law School, and faculty co-director of the Berkman Klein Center for Internet and Society at Harvard University.

Inaugural remarks were delivered by Mr N N Vohra, President IIC.

Brief opening remarks were given by Mr Amitabh Kant, Chief Executive Officer, NITI Aayog; Ambassador Shyam Saran, Life Trustee, IIC and former Foreign Secretary; and Ms Yamini Aiyar, President & Chief Executive, CPR.

Closing remarks were delivered by Air Marshal Naresh Verma, Director, IIC

The introductory remarks can be accessed here. The question and answer session that followed the keynote can be accessed here.

The audience feedback video can be accessed here.

Access the other Metamorphoses sessions below:

Metamorphoses- Talking Technology: Second Panel Discussion on ‘Future of Governance

1 June 2018
Metamorphoses- Talking Technology: Second Panel Discussion on ‘Future of Governance’
FULL VIDEO OF PANEL DISCUSSION

 

 

Watch the full video (above) of the panel discussion between Dr J Satyanarayana, Chinmayi Arun, Ananth Padmanabhan and Vrinda Bhandari, chaired by Justice BN Srikrishna, as part of the ‘Metamorphoses-Talking Technology’ seriesMetamorphoses is a modest effort to try and bridge the gap between digital technologies, which are transforming our lives, and our understanding of their multiple dimensions. The series is a joint initiative between NITI Aayog (the Government of India’s think tank), Indian International Centre (IIC) and Centre for Policy Research (CPR).

The panel discusses concepts like receptive technology, glacial government, response of regulators to the pace of technological advancements, era of blockchain and bitcoins, artificial intelligence, big data and forecasting.

Justice BN Srikrishna is Chairman of the Financial Sector Legislative Reforms Commission (FSLRC).

Dr J Satyanarayana is Chairman of the Unique Identification Authority of India (UIDAI).

Chinmayi Arun is Assistant Professor of Law at the National Law University.

Ananth Padmanabhan is a fellow at Carnegie India.

Vrinda Bhandari is an advocate.

Opening remarks were delivered by Yamini Aiyar, President and Chief Executive, CPR.

The audience feedback video can be accessed here.

Access the other Metamorphoses sessions below:

Metamorphoses- Talking Technology: Special Interaction on ‘Leading Digital Transformation and Innovation

22 June 2018
Metamorphoses- Talking Technology: Special Interaction on ‘Leading Digital Transformation and Innovation’
FULL VIDEO OF TALK

 

Watch the full video (above) of the special talk on ‘Leading Digital Transformation and Innovation’, featuring Prof. Soumitra Dutta and Prof. Ambuj Sagar as part of the ‘Metamorphoses-Talking Technology’ series. This talk analysed how digital technology has enabled a more widespread start-up culture with reference to India and the US; its impact on public goods like health, education and micro-finance; the viable business models in this space; and digital technology as an enabling and empowering instrument for women.

Prof Soumitra Dutta is Professor of Management at the Cornell SC Johnson College of Business and Chair of Board of Directors Global Business School Network (GBSN), Washington DC.  Prof Ambuj Sagar is the Vipula and Mahesh Chaturvedi Professor of Policy Studies at the Indian Institute of Technology, Delhi.

Opening remarks were delivered by Air Marshal (Retd.) Naresh Verma, Director, India International Centre.

Metamorphoses is a modest effort to try and bridge the gap between digital technologies, which are transforming our lives, and our understanding of their multiple dimensions. The series is a joint initiative between NITI Aayog (the Government of India’s think tank), Indian International Centre (IIC) and Centre for Policy Research (CPR).

Access the other Metamorphoses sessions below:

Metamorphoses- Talking Technology: Third Panel Discussion on ‘Vocabulary of the Digital’

13 July 2018
Metamorphoses- Talking Technology: Third Panel Discussion on ‘Vocabulary of the Digital’
FULL VIDEO PANEL DISCUSSION

 

Watch the full video (above) of the panel discussion between Abhishek Pitti, Dhruv Arora, Mahima Kaul and Prof Gagandeep Kang, chaired by Prof K Vijay Raghavan, as part of the ‘Metamorphoses-Talking Technology’ series.

The aim of this talk is to demystify terms associated with our online presence. In order to meaningfully participate in the current debate around how the Internet intersects and in many ways directs various aspects of our lives, it is critical to understand the digital terminology that has now become commonplace. Informed user understanding of this language can empower the person to take control of the narrative versus being controlled by the same narrative.

Prof K Vijay Raghavan is Principal Scientific Adviser to the Government of India.

Abhishek Pitti is the co-founder and CEO of Nucleus Vision.

Dhruv Arora is Manager, Digital and Strategic Communications at the Centre for Policy Research.

Mahima Kaul is Head, Public Policy and Government Partnerships, India at Twitter.

Prof Gagandeep Kang is Executive Director at the Translational Health Science Technology Institute (THSTI).

Opening remarks were delivered by Ambassador Shyam Saran, Life Trustee, IIC and former Foreign Secretary.

The audience feedback video can be accessed here.

Metamorphoses is a modest effort to try and bridge the gap between digital technologies, which are transforming our lives, and our understanding of their multiple dimensions. The series is a joint initiative between NITI Aayog (the Government of India’s think tank), Indian International Centre (IIC) and Centre for Policy Research (CPR).

Access the other Metamorphoses sessions below:

Metaphysics of Avoidance Self and History in Aurobindo

25 November 2016
Metaphysics of Avoidance Self and History in Aurobindo
FULL VIDEO OF LECTURE BY PRATAP BHANU MEHTA

 

Watch the full talk (above) by Pratap Bhanu Mehta on ‘Metaphysics of Avoidance Self and History in Aurobindo’, delivered as part of the fall 2016 OP Jindal Distinguished Lecture Series titled ‘The Nietzschean Moment in Indian Intellectual History’, organised by the Brown-India Initiative at Brown University.

This is the second lecture in a the two part series, and the first one can be accessed here.

Mapping Power: Consumers Upfront in Tale of Two Reforms in Andhra

19 September 2018
Mapping Power: Consumers Upfront in Tale of Two Reforms in Andhra
PART THREE OF AN OP-ED SERIES BY THE CENTRE FOR POLICY RESEARCH AND THE REGULATORY ASSISTANCE PROJECT

 

Andhra Pradesh’s (AP) power sector is going through a second phase of reforms. While the first phase (1999 – 2004) was widely seen as focused on privatisation on electricity distribution, this time the goal is to ensure affordable and reliable power supply for all. To do so, chief minister Chandrababu Naidu has pledged to keep retail tariffs unchanged in the coming years for all consumer categories, while improving the quality of supply and service.

At present, there is a strong Central government push to raise retail tariffs to reflect the rising costs of supply — a target set for states under the UDAY scheme for discoms’ financial turnaround. This makes Andhra Pradesh’s plan to improve electricity without any additional cost burden on the consumers particularly intriguing. Can Naidu pull off this trick while avoiding negative consequences for Andhra Pradesh’s electricity sector? What are the consequences of failure?

The context for this latest gambit is the earlier reform effort of 1999-2004. Back then, despite backing from the chief minister (it was Naidu then too), supportive and skilled regulators and utilities, and Central government backing, the plan to improve discoms’ health through tariff and management reforms did not receive public support. Although discoms registered efficiency gains, the public focused on the accompanying tariff hikes which caused mass agitations. Some have suggested this was central to Naidu’s defeat in the 2004 state assembly election.

In his return to power in 2014 in a smaller Andhra Pradesh, Naidu has devised a second, revised reform strategy. First, consumers are at the centre of reforms, and are promised high quality service at affordable prices. Notably, however, this does not include promises of 24×7 supply of free power to farmers, as in Telangana. Second, the reform relies on disruptive technologies to bring down the power bills of discoms through a fivepoint strategy: improve supply through enhanced renewable energy (RE) generation, energy storage technologies, and full capacity utilisation of conventional power plants; implement energy efficiency measures; strengthen the transmission and distribution (T&D) network to bring down losses to below 6%; adopt IT for better consumer services; and lastly, improve financial management of power projects including loan swaps.

There are early signs of progress. The state has achieved 7 GW RE installed capacity, which is 10% of the national RE capacity and 30% of the state’s total generation capacity. To complement RE capacity, Andhra Pradesh has inaugurated the first thermal battery plant of India and allocated over 100 acres land for energy storage projects. The state has set a target of 1 million electric vehicles on road by 2023 backed by a dedicated electric mobility policy and planned investment of ₹30,000 crores. Andhra Pradesh has emerged as a national frontrunner in the State Energy Efficiency Preparedness Index. To improve efficiency and reliability of the T&D network, the state has initiated a US$ 570 million project last year, with donor assistance.

What works in Andhra Pradesh’s favour is that the state has some breathing room to manoeuvre. Following the bifurcation of the state, Andhra Pradesh gained from a slight reduction in subsidised load (domestic and agriculture) and AT&C losses.Since it is a relatively wealthy state, it has managed a persistent revenue gap by increased state subvention, from 12% of discoms’ revenue requirement in 2014-15 and 2015-16 to 19% in 2018-19 (see chart), preventing a decline in quality of service. In September 2018, the per unit revenue gap was ₹0.06, onefifth of the national average, and AT&C losses were 11%, half of the national average, as reported by the UDAY portal. These developments make Andhra Pradesh a leader in UDAY target achievements while providing the fiscal space to manage the political demands for explicit subsidies.

However, for long term gains, Andhra Pradesh will need to use this breathing room to bring down the costs of supply and create enough demand for the additional power capacity it is adding through RE and augmented capacity utilisation. Naidu hopes his plans for industrialisation will absorb the surplus power. Whether this works will depend on growth in industrialisation as well as proper resource planning for the additional generation capacity.

Notably, Andhra Pradesh has proactively sought to capture the gains of falling RE generation costs as technology improves. The counter, and more problematic story, is that industrial consumers would leave the grid to capture these gains through direct installation of RE, which would cut into the cross subsidy available for poorer customers. Andhra Pradesh is seeking to manage this transition by proactively adopting these disruptive technologies in an effort to reduce the power bills for all, but also retaining industry through improved quality and a stable tariff.

Figure 1: Power sector reforms in Andhra Pradesh

In this tale of two reforms, Andhra Pradesh has moved from a price and privatisation-focused effort to one that aims to put consumers upfront. If they fail, the results would be dismal and all too familiar – low tariffs combined with growing stranded capacity as new generation finds no takers, and cross subsidy declines as industrial customers flee. But the Andhra Pradesh reforms are designed specifically and deliberately to avoid these traps, which is what makes them interesting. If Andhra Pradesh succeeds, it will signal an alternative, consumer welfare-focused, model of power reforms. While it is too early to predict success, this is an effort worth watching.

Ashwini K Swain is a visiting fellow at Centre for Policy Research, and the executive director at Centre for Energy, Environment & Resources. This research is based on work presented in full in the book Mapping Power, edited by Navroz K Dubash, Sunila S Kale, and Ranjit Bharvirkar.

This article was published in the comment section of the Hindustan Times on 19 September 2018, and can be accessed here. Subsequent articles will be published simultaneously in the Hindustan Times and on the CPR website. 

Op-Eds in this Series:

More details about the Mapping Power Project can be accessed here.

Mapping Power: Electricity Distribution in Gujarat: A Sustainable Energy Future Roadmap?

3 October 2018
Mapping Power: Electricity Distribution in Gujarat: A Sustainable Energy Future Roadmap?
MAPPING POWER OP-ED SERIES

 

In the era of the unbundled electricity sector, Gujarat’s emergence as India’s leading light is premised on its early recognition that energy policy must engage meaningfully with politics. A steady, coordinated approach characterised its trajectory in the early 2000s, gradually separating the black box of electricity into electric generation, transmission and distribution. Unlike the travails of distribution faced by many other states, Gujarat benefitted from implementing the jyoti gram yojana. It accompanied this innovative material intervention with the political savvy of crafting a compromise with key farmer constituencies, convincing them that their electricity access quality would be enhanced. During the mid-2000s, it put in place a parallel distribution network based on feeder separation and a specially designed transformer, supported by the deployment of dedicated power sector police units. This technologically and administratively addressed the problem of line theft, especially in remote rural areas where leakages persist in many states, ostensibly based on political patronage.

Both measured action between the finance and energy departments to restructure accounting practices during unbundling, as well as enhanced revenue recovery, provided Gujarat’s distribution sector bottomline with cushioning. This enabled foresightful investments: for instance the state, long known for its wind energy capacity, championed solar uptake. A decade ago, well before India’s first solar policy of 2011, Gujarat incentivised solar developers with attractive 25-year feed-in tariffs. While locked-in high-cost contracts placed a significant financial burden on state coffers, this nonetheless ensured quick response in a sector that has since undergone rapid expansion and become key to our national energy future. Evaluating bidders on their techno-managerial capacity, the state saw stalwarts from sectors like jewellery and pharmaceuticals step into solar energy. More recently, under the UJALA programme, Gujarat’s manufacturing sector made a strong national contribution on energy efficient lighting for demand side management. Large photovoltaic module factories have begun emerging, too.

Currently sixth in terms of installed solar capacity, Gujarat has the largest solar pipeline in India. While solar parks set up in dedicated remote areas require new transmission infrastructure investment, there is still enormous untapped scope to increase small-scale rooftop solar uptake. For growth in decentralised solar generation, grid coordination logics must be geared towards renewable energy integration. With rapid technological evolution and falling costs in energy storage, India has the opportunity to ensure revenue sharing with prosumers and revolutionalise the changing energy sector. By leading on renewable energy integration, Gujarat can become a role model for sustainable energy transition.

The conditions that have enabled these recent successes are closely linked with the state’s political economy. Gujarat has traditionally hosted a strong business orientation, a culture that attracts investment and assures promoters and developers of smooth project implementation. This requires smooth tendering and licensing processes with transparent criteria that lower risk and thereby project financing costs. Continuous rule by the same political party has allowed an element of long-term planning that has benefitted the electricity sector. Weakening support for the political coalition, however, could unravel cooperation with key farmer constituencies. How will continued expansion and improvement of electricity access be secured for the millions who continue to live in energy poverty, without electrified households, despite electric lines having reached their villages? GUVNL has been sub-contracting on-gridding to increase coverage to the tune of a lakh households annually. Yet dependence on dirty fuel sources with adverse health impacts persists, from large factories to poor villagers who use labour-intensive practices to cook a basic meal. The stakes remain high and micro-grids must be part of the solution. This urgency warrants an enhanced role for the Gujarat Energy Development Agency.

A mix of long-standing private sector distribution utilities in urban areas and four large regional public utilities across the state has worked well in tandem with a state regulatory body that mandates gradual improvements in efficiency. In recent years, having installed sufficient generation capacity after private sector entry has allowed consistent focus on tackling problems in electricity distribution, and the largely top-down approach Gujarat has followed has enabled a coordinated, functional effort. This is no mean achievement; it warrants praise. These advantages put the state in a position to lead by example on the many challenges that will modulate India’s energy future. The rapid shift to renewables and particularly solar energy sources requires regulation to stay ahead of current developments to ensure optimal evolution towards sustainable energy systems. A stronger national grid is key, and the announcement of a nationwide solar energy price ceiling, and players like NTPC with its recent 2 GW solar energy auction, constitute clear signals that solar uptake can help shape new electricity markets and logics. How this will play out with ambitions of electrifying transportation is a key question going forward.

In sum, Gujarat’s electricity distribution sector has progressed against formidable odds. It has generated public benefits – energy efficiency and access – and led on renewable energy adoption. Yet steep challenges remain and demand similar political economic acumen and gumption. As floods in Kerala and wildfires in the Arctic add political pressure for global action on climate change, places like California and Sweden are leading by example. States such as Gujarat can expand such initiatives and showcase prowess in the politically fraught context of India’s electricity distribution sector.

Siddharth Sareen is a researcher at the Centre for Climate and Energy Transformation, University of Bergen, Norway, where he works on the governance of energy transitions. This research is based on work presented in full in the book Mapping Power, edited by Navroz K Dubash, Sunila S Kale, and Ranjit Bharvirkar.

Op-Eds in the Mapping Power Series:

More details about the Mapping Power Project can be accessed here.

Mapping Power: How to Reform Uttar Pradesh’s Troubled Power Sector

18 September 2018
Mapping Power: How to Reform Uttar Pradesh’s Troubled Power Sector
PART TWO OF AN OP-ED SERIES BY THE CENTRE FOR POLICY RESEARCH AND THE REGULATORY ASSISTANCE PROJECT

 

A rare window is open for power sector reform in Uttar Pradesh. The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), in office in both Lucknow and New Delhi, has a sweeping mandate to transform Uttar Pradesh’s troubled electricity situation. The party has made two important commitments on this front. First, they have promised to ensure every household in the state has an electricity connection and access to twenty-four-hour reliable supply. Second, they have pledged to turn around the state’s five loss-making public distribution companies (discoms).

Progress in both areas is sorely needed. In 2017, more than 17 million rural households did not have a formal electricity connection. Supply remains unreliable in urban and rural areas, hampering economic growth. Since the 1980s, the state’s public discoms have been accruing annual losses, the result of a large gap between the cost of supplying electricity and the revenue they recover from customers coupled with under-funded subsidised tariffs for domestic and agricultural users. The former Samajwadi Party (SP)-government signed the state up to the central government’s UDAY power sector reform scheme in 2016. This allowed 75 percent of discom debts to be cleared, and various initiatives to reform their financial performance were started. But discoms are continuing to report sizeable losses.

Crucially, universal electricity access and discom performance are closely inter-twined challenges in Uttar Pradesh. Increasing access and reliability of supply will ultimately be dependent upon success in transforming the performance of discoms. In particular, reducing the large losses discoms accrue in supplying power to domestic and agricultural consumers. Put simply, it will not be possible to provide reliable electricity to millions of additional rural households, as long as discoms face high losses supplying rural and agricultural users.

Successive governments since the 1990s have in practice focussed on access, without coupling this with serious action on improving the performance of discoms. Politics explains this. Decisive programmes on household electrification and the need to increase the hours of supply are politically popular in the short-term. Tackling the state’s loss-making discoms, in contrast, requires political parties in office to allow electricity tariffs for domestic and agricultural consumers to rise regularly. They also need to take stringent action on revenue collection and theft. In a politically-competitive, multi-party state, no party has been willing to make the bargain of jointly tackling both areas, for fear of electoral repercussions.

There are challenges beyond highly subsidised tariffs, high theft levels, and poor revenue recovery for Uttar Pradesh’s discom situation.

While many states can rely upon industry consumers to pay high tariffs that cross-subsidise low tariffs for other users, UP only has a small base of industry consumers. Additionally, the cost at which discoms receive power from generators is high.

On household electrification and reliability of supply, the BJP has moved fast. Progress is already evident. By way of the central government’s Saubhagya scheme, millions of households have been provided with a regularised electricity connection and millions more will be connected in the coming two years. While the BJP’s target of full household electrification by 2019 looks difficult, the goal may be reached soon thereafter. The BJP has drawn up a ‘24X7 Power For All’ plan for Uttar Pradesh, which promises twenty-four hours electricity supply to all rural and urban domestic and industry consumers from late 2018. Currently, rural areas receive around 18 hours supply. This in itself represents a notable improvement above the supply situation of recent years. Towards reforming the financial performance of the state’s discom, the BJP is also acting on various fronts. They have built upon programmes started by the previous SP-government to extend metering, improve billing and revenue collection, and to cut down on theft. The BJP has expended significant political capital by pushing through substantial increases in electricity tariffs for domestic and agricultural users, helping to bring down the gap between cost of supply and revenue collected. However, losses at the state’s discoms remain high. With elections due in 2019, the BJP may find it politically unpalatable to take further steps to raise tariffs and cut down on losses in the coming year.

Electoral support has, for decades, been mobilised on the promise of cheap or free electricity in UP. In the 1970s and 1980s, cheap electricity was promised to farmers. In the 2000s, it was the weavers who were wooed with subsidised power. Losses are typically significantly higher in VIP districts.

A window of opportunity to change the status quo is open in Uttar Pradesh. If the BJP can deliver on reliable access for all — and link success on this front to public acceptance of regular tariff increases and timely bill payment— then the seeds of transformation in the power sector may be sown.

When the BJP last ruled in both Lucknow and New Delhi, between 1997 and 2002, they pushed through extensive structural reforms of the power sector, against significant opposition. However, shortly after doing so, they back-tracked on tariff increases, required by the state’s discoms to support a financial turn-around, fearing upcoming electoral defeat. It remains to be seen whether a story of bold ambitions from the BJP giving way to electoral pressures is repeated this time around.

Jonathan Balls is a New Generation Network (NGN) Post-Doctoral Scholar at the Australia India Institute, University of Melbourne, Australia. This research is based on work presented in full in the book Mapping Power, edited by Navroz K Dubash, Sunila S Kale, and Ranjit Bharvirkar.

This article was published in the comment section of the Hindustan Times on 18 September 2018, and can be accessed here. Subsequent articles will be published simultaneously in the Hindustan Times and on the CPR website. 

Op-Eds in the Mapping Power Series:

More details about the Mapping Power Project can be accessed here.

Mapping Power: Karnataka’s Power Politics

21 September 2018
Mapping Power: Karnataka’s Power Politics
THE FINAL PART OF AN OP-ED SERIES BY THE CENTRE FOR POLICY RESEARCH AND THE REGULATORY ASSISTANCE PROJECT

 

When Chief Minister HD Kumaraswamy announced crop loan waivers in his first budget after he came to power in May this year, there was widespread concern about how the state would finance these. Many who thought the loan waiver was a valid response to agrarian distress argued for managing costs by cutting the other biggest subsidy component in the budget – government subvention to the Electricity Supply Companies (ESCOMs).

This is estimated to be ~ 11,048 crores for FY2018-19 according to the most recent tariff order issued by Karnataka Electricity Regulatory Commission (KERC) and is owed by the government to the ESCOMs in the state so that they can provide free electricity to irrigation pump sets below 10 HP, a key plank in the government’s welfare policy.

Electricity subsidies are often attributed to the incompetence of ESCOMs and are rarely interpreted as welfare policy. This has led to a near-complete silence about the continuous cycle of evasion of responsibility in the sector: the government subvention owed to the ESCOMs is only partially-paid; the ESCOMs delay payment for power bought from state-owned generating stations hoping this would be set off against the subsidy owed to them; and in turn, municipal bodies do not pay the ESCOMs for the electricity they consume. In this way, the power sector has become the flexible and convenient current account for the government whenever it needs a bit more fiscal wiggleroom. What seems to make this cycle of evasion acceptable is the widespread belief that subsidy payments to utilities are somehow ill-justified.

This belief stands on a now-familiar storyline which turns the utilities into villains of fiscal problems of the state – inefficient public utilities that have no incentive to improve performance, compromise fiscal prudence and prevent much needed public expenditure on sectors such as health and education, all due to political pressures from rural constituencies. In this story, the solution is straight forward: there must be strong political will at the top of the hierarchy to implement tough measures to reform the sector.

Unfortunately, this kind of thinking that seeks to separate “petty” politics from what are considered technical matters of utility operations has contributed to the obfuscation of the very real political negotiations that have been happening in the sector. This thinking has also stifled what would be a useful debate in the sector on whether and how publicowned companies can be incentivised to become commercially viable and less prone to corruption.

This thinking has restricted the debates in the sector to ways and means to improve technical and commercial efficiency parameters in public utilities without acknowledging the central role that electricity departments and utilities played in agricultural development until the recent past and how to transition out of this regime and at what cost.

Political settlements therefore, have occurred under the guise of techno-economic adjustments. For example higher agricultural tariffs in the northern region are justified on the basis of deeper ground water levels in that region.

The real effect of this adjustment, however, is not on ground water consumption as that is completely free for users. Instead, ESCOMs in the regions with low paying consumers receive a higher allocation of the budgeted power sector subsidy in the State relative to their share of sales to consumers that do not pay for electricity (IP sets account for 97% of this sales revenue).

Historical factors such as structural differences across regions in Karnataka also affect seemingly technical issues such as tariff determination subsidy.

For example, Karnataka’s strategy of relying on a services-led growth around Bengaluru also left most paying consumers concentrated in one region.

The creation of regional ESCOMs as part of the reform in 2002 was meant to create autonomous companies that could operate on commercial principles according to cost of supply in each region.

In practice, however, tariff setting norms and subsidies in the state have evolved an equilibrium that can accommodate the vastly different consumer profiles in various regions of the state so that most of the budgeted power subsidy is allocated to the ESCOMs in the northern region.


Figure 1: When region decides benefits.

The state’s historical context and its politics of development, including the debate on the inequalities between the northern and southern regions, has consequences for the balancing act that is required in the sector- often brokered by the energy department and the regulator. It is useful to be mindful of this political dynamic in the sector rather than relying on measurement and monitoring based on technical parameters alone.

Meera Sudhakar is a graduate student at the National Institute of Advanced Studies. This research is based on work presented in full in the book Mapping Power, edited by Navroz K Dubash, Sunila S Kale, and Ranjit Bharvirkar. This article was published in the comment section of the Hindustan Times on 21 September 2018, and can be accessed here

Op-Eds in the Mapping Power Series:

More details about the Mapping Power Project can be accessed here.

Mapping Power: New Trends Demand New Strategies in Maharashtra

28 September 2018
Mapping Power: New Trends Demand New Strategies in Maharashtra
MAPPING POWER OP-ED SERIES

 

Recent events show extreme discontent in rural Maharashtra. Fifty-eight silent Maratha Kranti Morchas in one year have mobilized lakhs of people. Recent agitations have demanded reservation for Marathas. And the Kisan Long March was based on a demand for farm loan waivers and implementation of the Swaminathan Commission’s recommendations. All these events indicate a deep-rooted crisis in agriculture and allied sectors in Maharashtra, the share of which in the gross state value added (GSVA) has declined to 11.9% in 2017-18.

The lack of economic opportunities in various parts of Maharashtra is closely tied with the failure of basic infrastructural facilities, mainly water and electricity. Once recognized as the best performing public sector agency, the electricity utility in Maharashtra is now in a state of flux. The distribution sector is constrained by the legacy of high-cost power and large capacity addition but lower-than-expected industrial demand growth. Further, there is pressure from the centre to increase the share of renewable energy (RE), including rooftop solar with net metering. A recent tariff proposal by the Maharashtra State Electricity Distribution Company Ltd (MSEDCL) demanding a 23 per cent hike was met with strong opposition from grassroot activists. In view of these potentially unsettling emerging trends, it is imperative for the state to revise its political strategy of managing the sector.

Figure 1: Financial and Physical Profile: Maharashtra

Figure 1 depicts some recent trends in Maharashtra’s electricity sector. Especially noteworthy is the rising cost of power, now among the highest in India. As a result, the annual revenue requirement for Discoms has ballooned from Rs 2.67/kWh in 2007-8 to Rs 6.15/kWh in 2015-16. At the same time, the share of industrial electricity consumption declined from 45 per cent in 2007-8 to 31 per cent in 2014-15. This was due to sluggish industrial growth and a high number of industrial consumers purchasing power privately. Consequently, industrial revenue decreased by 15 per cent during this period. The installed capacity of RE reached 6.40 GW which, while impressive, came at a high cost. Subsidies to agricultural and powerloom consumers have reached Rs. 10,500 crore in 2014-15, indicating growing pressure on state finances. While distribution losses have consistently declined over the years (down to 14.51 per cent according to the latest tariff proposal), in view of persisting unmetered supply to agriculture, this issue is far from settled. Another worrying trend is backing down of contracted power (6000 MW to 8000 MW per year) due to sales migration away from the grid (to open access consumption). In the case of Mumbai, both Tata Power and Reliance Infrastructure (now taken over by Adani Transmission) failed to contract power through competitive bidding, depriving consumers of the benefits of competition.

A complete understanding of the recent trends requires a deeper exploration of the political forces historically driving this sector. The story of electricity development in Maharashtra is best characterised by state attempts to accommodate both industrial and agricultural interests. The latter had a dominant role in the state Congress party and the broader politics of the state. The development of cooperative sugar factories provided a strong institutional foundation for the ruling Congress and helped initiate early rural electrification in the state. The adoption of flat rate tariff for agriculture in 1977 benefited well-off farmers by reducing the input costs for cash-crops. The expansion of electricity to rural areas was a part of a virtuous cycle of reaping electoral gains by building institutional networks ─cooperative, educational and panchayati raj. This cycle was broken in the 1990s with the decline of cooperative institutions, factionalism within the Congress party and growing pro-urban bias within the Congress leadership.

The Congress government had also adopted early generation reforms by negotiating a deal with Enron, which proved controversial. This started an era of high-cost power in Maharashtra. The Shiv Sena-BJP government came to power for the first time in 1995. However, since the new government had enlisted many disgruntled Congress leaders, there was no discernible change in policy. Along with substantially increasing the electricity subsidy burden, the Enron project also constrained the public utility’s ability to add new capacity for nearly a decade (1995-2005).

The sector entered into a stage of stagnation thereafter with low capacity addition, high load-shedding and selective expansion. The newly established Maharashtra Electricity Regulatory Commission (MERC) and active civil society organizations (CSOs) tried to arrest this trend, but with little success. The state’s high economic growth pattern, however, enabled the state to continue cross-subsidizing agriculture. This ensured the stability of the Congress-Nationalist Congress Party rule for three successive terms (1999-2014). There were some attempts to direct the reform process proactively, mainly by bureaucrats. These included initiating internal reforms such as feeder separation and introducing transparency (under pressure from MERC and CSOs) as well as negotiating reasonable capacity addition deals. However, factors external to the sector (industrial growth slow-down and the centre’s RE push) hampered these initiatives. Consequently, the large capacity addition and ensuing demand shortfall led to the current situation of surplus power.

The political leadership has maintained a functional equilibrium in the state all these years by successfully managing the dominant interests through a combination of explicit and implicit subsidies (non-action in case of theft and arrears). The continued viability of this strategy is under threat from macro technological forces and changing federal policy. In this context, the mediatory role of the state assumes critical importance, mainly in resolving the issue of high-cost long term power purchase contracts and in incentivizing the bureaucratic machinery to play a developmental role.

Kalpana Dixit teaches political science at the Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Tuljapur. This research is based on work presented in full in the book Mapping Power, edited by Navroz K Dubash, Sunila S Kale, and Ranjit Bharvirkar.

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